

I offer thanks to
my
friends,
relatives, and ancestors whose strength of purpose
led me to my own.
A
special
thanks to my co-author,
Rev. Marilyn A.
Riedel,
for her deep love and dedication to me and this project.
Without her
tireless
effort and selfless interest,
this liberating
history
of Oregon would never have been written.
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My grandfather was Cabell Adair
Breckenridge
Patterson. He was called "Cab" for short. He married my
grandmother,
Arseneon
P. Turƒƒeman. Their oldest son died six months before my mother,
Harriet
E. Patterson Hill (1847-1931), was born.
Cab Patterson's mother was a Quaker,
Lovely
Truitt. The family moved to Kentucky from nearby Philadelphia
where
they
first settled.
Grandpa was one of a family of six
children.
He was a descendent of the 13 Patterson brothers who migrated to
America
during the time of American colonist William
Penn (1644-1718). The Pattersons were Calvinists.
In my family, the oldest son is always
named
"William." Grandpa was named Cab because he wasn't the oldest
son.
There was a William Patterson at the
battle
of Valley Forge
(1777-1778)
who fought for Gen.
George
Washington. He was a Continental who was enlisted
for
the
duration of the Revolutionary War.
Lovely Patterson sent William, who was
12
years old, to Valley Forge to deliver socks, food and other
provisions
to the Washington's soldiers.
Cab's son, William, moved to Kentucky,
and
was a private in the War of 1812.
Grandma was an abolitionist. She begged
her spouse to free their slaves, and told them to get out of
slave
territory,
as she saw trouble was coming.
One of the slaves became a good
blacksmith.
He earned enough money to purchase his wife and son and fled to
Cincinnati,
Ohio. The family moved to Illinois to escape slavery in the
South.
Mother’s family, the Turemans were
Germans
who migrated to America when John
Q.
Adams (1735-1826) was president. The large family
settled in
Illinois.
My dad was Samuel Hill (1839-1916). He
was
born in Kentucky, and was the son of Nancy Watters and Philip
Hill. His
parents died when he was 12 years old, while the family was
living in
California.
An uncle-in-law took all the property he could quickly sell and
left my
orphaned family alone. Neighbors found some wild cattle to sell,
and
gave
dad the money.
He started for Oregon with his pony,
but
ran into three cousins when he stopped to camp along the trail.
They
took
him back to California.
Later on, the applied for a donation
land
claim in Oregon, but did not prove up on his claim.
He joined the Confederacy, and the last
letter from him was sent out secretly from Vicksburg
(1863). That battle, a Union victory, was the turning point of
the
Civil
War.
Before settling at Beaver
Creek, near Seal Rock, he was hired by a woman to
ferry her
cattle
across the river in Salem. He took land on the South Beaver side
of the
hill next to Harriet Patterson's claim.
They were married after mother's
brother,
Corlis "Ike" Patterson, was killed at South Beach while working
for the
government on the jetties.
This particular Corlis was buried on
the
old homestead; the others are buried at Fernridge Cemetery, Seal
Rock.
Waldport
Waldport, a small maritime community
surrounded
by thickly wooded hills, is located on the south shore of Alsea
Bay in
what was part of the Coast Reservation.
David
Ruble (1831-1907), who founded the community, was
born in
Monongalia
County, Virginia, December 11, 1831. When he was four, his
parents,
Elizabeth
Irons (1796-1890) and Thomas Ruble (1797-1857), migrated to
Wabash
County,
Indiana, and lived there until the spring of 1853 when Ruble,
who was a
miller, crossed the plains to Oregon with his older brother,
William
(1822-1905).
The brothers were married to sisters,
Orlena
(1834-1911) and Ruth Russell. William was among the few
travelers that
could provide a horse-drawn carriage for his wife. Normally the
women
walked
the 2,000 miles to Oregon at about 15 miles per day.
Both families took up Donation Land
Claim
about four miles west of Salem in the Eola
Hills. In 1872, Orlena and David moved to the Alsea
Valley
where
David erected a gristmill and later a sawmill on the North Fork
of the
Alsea. After a flood there, the family moved on the coast and
established
Waldport.
David and Orlena had nine children.
Their
choice of names broke with the ordinary: Marion (1855-1935),
Victoria
(1857-?),
Arizona (1858-1918), Orange Judd (1861-1926), Marshall W.
(1862-1955),
Eldorado (1865-?), Arsina (1868-?), Mary Levina (1870-?) and
Martha
(1872-1965).
The Waldport area was not opened to
settlement
until 1875. During several years before he moved to Waldport in
October
1879, Ruble freighted flour and grain down the Alsea in the flat
boat
he
built. In all, he is said to have made 67 trips.
Ruble donated land for a church
building,
making it the first Church of Christ or Christian Church on the
Oregon
Coast.
Charity Arizona (1860-?), daughter of
Elma
Ruble (1824-1914) and Andrew Jackson Rose (1819-1892) wrote in
her
Memoirs,
The Rubles have, as a rule, been religious people to whom we can look back with pride. We never knew of a Ruble being intoxicated or of begging his daily bread, although but few have aspired to much wealth.
Waldport (Port of the Woods) was so
named
in the 1880s at the suggestion of Paul V. Wustrow, then
postmaster at
Alsea,
about 19 miles southwest of Philomath. Col. Wustrow was a
well-known
character
in the Alsea Valley of European birth and up-bringing, but it is
not
known
whether he was Russian or German. He held the position of
postmaster
for
nearly a quarter of a century, from March 30, 1876 until May 28,
1898.
Collins post office, on the north side
of
Alsea
Bay, was established January 31, 1875, with Matthew
Brand
serving
as postmaster, and the Waldport office was established June 17,
1881,
with
David Ruble in charge of the office.
When Ruble became postmaster of
Collins,
the site moved from the north to south shore of Alsea Bay. Ruble
lost
the
position on February 23, 1882, and the Collins post office moved
back
to
the north shore. A few months later, on August 15, 1882, a new
post
office
was acquired for Waldport on the south shore, with Orlena's
father,
Thomas
Russell (1819-1894), serving as postmaster. Russell previously
served
as
first postmaster of the Alsea office, which was established July
14,
1871.
Ruble succeeded Russell as postmaster of the Waldport office on
September
27, 1883.
Early settlers in this Alsea River
Basin
were Germans who came for the brief goldrush then stayed to
develop the
timber industry. The winter of 1879-1880, Ruble and others
washed
$1,700
in gold dust from beach sands.
When the townsite was platted in 1884,
the
streets of Old Town were laid out by the stars, without benefit
of a
survey.
The City of Waldport was chartered in 1890.
Alsea Bay Bridge, the longest
cement-poured
bridge in the world, it was torn down in 1992.
William Pope McArthur gives Alseya on
his
chart accompanying the report of the US Coast Survey for 1851,
and the
name Alseya Settlement appears on the Surveyor General's Map of
1855.
The
legend stretches along Alsea River, which rises in the Coast
Range and
flows into Alsea Bay at Waldport, and the center of the
settlement is a
little to the west of the present community of Alsea. The name
has many
variations, but there is no doubt that it was originally
pronounced
with
three syllables, and not with two as at present.
Originally a stronghold of the Alsi,
a
Yakonan tribe that lived near the mouth of the
river, the
quiet
beach town of Waldport also has had incarnations as a goldrush
town and
lumber port. A point south of town bears the name of Chief
Yaquina John, one of the last members of the Alsi.
Waldport’s history is written in a
hundred
years of forest products. Until the last two decades, fishing
and
dairying
were also active. The area once had several sawmills and salmon
canneries.
Logging still prevails as an occupation, but no sawmills remain
in the
area. At one time, Waldport even started its own railroad and
was
accessed
by train. The line was built in 1918 by the US Army to log
spruce that
was used to build airplanes during WWI. After the war ended, the
line
was
acquired by the C. D. Johnson Lumber Company, which used to log
an area
south of town known as Camp One. When the logging was completed
in
1935,
the railroad was abandoned. Mid-century, Waldport was
manufacturing the
brightly colored cedar floats that mark the crab fishermen's
nets,
which
resemble huge butterfly nets, with steel rings at the top and
sinkers
at
the lower end, where bait is fastened. These nets were used near
the
ocean
ashore and in the bays, while copper or iron crab pots were
employed
farther
out on the banks. The Alsea Historical Society is currently
working to
establish a museum dedicated to the local history.
Commercial literature about the place
touts
Waldport's livability, suggesting that the town's "relative
obscurity"
has spared it the fate of more crowded tourist towns. This may
also be
explained by a nondescript main drag that gives no hint of
surrounding
beaches and prime fishing spots. A recent influx of retirees has
spurred
new homebuilding, but this cozy little hamlet is decidedly
low-key.
Agent Orange in Them Thar Hills 1970
It is hard to picture the quiet beach town of Waldport as the object of national media scrutiny, but it happened twice during the 1970s and again in 1997. During the 1970s, a Sixty Minutes investigative team came here to document the link between dioxin-based defoliants used in the area timber stands to eliminate blackberries, vine maples, and other vegetation that impede the growth of Douglas fir, to an abnormally high incidence of birth defects and miscarriages. This report and the ensuing government ban on this substance in Oregon forests took on national significance when soldiers exposed to ill-effects of the same chemical (Agent Orange) in Vietnam were denied compensation by the Pentagon.
Heaven's Gate Swings Wide Open at Waldport 1975
But this wasn't the only occasion that Waldport basked in the hot glare of a national media spotlight during the 1970s. A 1975, New York Sunday Times article described a bizarre UFO cult's recruitment of followers here to undertake a rendezvous with a spacecraft that would transport them to a higher place of existence. Walter Cronkite, John Chancellor and the like followed up with TV coverage. Their leader, Marshall Herff Applewhite, exhorted the faithful to give up their possessions and depart Oregon for Colorado where the ascension was to take place. The same Marshall Applewhite resurfaced in the spring of 1997 at Gold Beach on the South Oregon Coast, and the town, like Waldport, gained international recognition following the Heaven's Gate suicides in Southern California. Mark Miller of Newsweek reported that
in March 1997, "some followers of Heaven's Gate embarked on a bus trip to Santa Rosa, California, and to Gold Beach, Oregon, the place where cult leader Marshall Applewhite first found his calling in the wilderness. They continued on to Ashland, Oregon, and Sacramento, California, running up more than $2,000 in hotel bills."
The cult's mass suicide in Southern California prompted another media explosion with reverberations felt in Waldport. Broadcast media from Dateline NBC to Good Morning America interviewed locals here for impressions of the deceased, as a stunned and curious nation looked on.
Sinking of the Atalanta Commemorated 1998

On November 17, 1998, people from as far away as Australia, England and Canada gathered at Tillicum State Park in South Lincoln County to commemorate the 100th anniversary of the sinking of a British clipper off the coast near Waldport. Fr. Gerald Steckler of Saint Anthony's Catholic church in Waldport blessed the stone and plaque placed in the park in memory of the 23 seamen, including the Atalanta's captain, who died November 17, 1898. The Atalanta had stopped at Tacoma, Washington, and was heading south for a run to South Africa with a cargo full of wheat, when it went aground off the coast. John McMahon, a descendant of one of the three crew members to survive the wreck, Frank McMahon, gave a brief speech. A proclamation from the mayor of Sydney, Australia, the city from which the ship had set out, was also read. Among those attending were Waldport Mayor Phyllis Boehme, Yachats mayor Arthur Roberts and his wife, Fern Roberts, and Lincoln County Commissioner Nancy Leonard, as well as Port of Alsea Manager Maggie Rivers and Doris Tai, a representative of the US Forest Service, who arranged for the plaque and memorial stone.
Beavers and Beans

Author of "Beavers and
Beans:
Helen Virginia Smith Lewis
Hanson
(1917-2004)
Truly this is a wonderful state, for Oregon is a virgin country, so to speak, as yet not greatly changed by the ways of men. Her farmlands are fertile and productive, her forests plentiful and abundant. Its many rivers are a potential source of water and energy, gnawing their courses through soft earth and solid rock. Beneath the surface its minerals have scarcely been tapped. Along her lower coastline stretch countless miles of rugged wilderness on which humanity has little more than glanced. In the eastern portion are her wheat fields and grazing lands, though thousands of acres lie unused, impotent and uncultivated, begging for fertility which only water can bring them. Its resources are many and varied. Beneath the bosom of her snow-capped Cascades lie the secrets of the ages that man can only presume. The lava beds of the central part are mute testimony of the eon of belching infernos which were volcanoes. The tons of massive boulders found in various regions rolled and stacked by superhuman force bear evidence of erosion and time. The fossil beds of its far eastern portion verify humanity's legend and beauty and promise, it lies, geographically old, historically new, but scarcely awakened and yet unexploited. ...
The Egg and I
Two amateur paleontologists have
discovered
a 40-million-year old fossil egg, the first ever discovered in
Oregon,
according to William Orr, director of the state museum of
fossils, the
Condon
collection, housed at the university.
Jim Leary of Cottage Grove discovered
the
egg, slightly smaller than a hen's egg, while fossil collecting
with
his
brother-in-law, Kevin Benson, near Vernonia
west of Portland. Though the egg has a shell less than 1/32-inch
thick,
it remains nearly intact, with only minor deformation.
Orr says his initial examination
indicates
it is probably an ancient bird egg. The prehistoric egg comes
from what
is known as the Keasey formation, a layer of sedimentary rock
deposited
during the late Eocene epoch, about 40 million years ago. Keasey
rocks
of volcanic ash, formed from some of the earliest debris from
the
infant
Cascade volcanic range, were laid down in marine continental
slope
waters
far from shore, at depths exceeding 1,500 feet.
"But this is quite mysterious," Orr
explains.
"Normally we would associate an egg with coastal environs. It is
puzzling
to find one so far from the shoreline in deep water volcanic
clay
stones."
To identify the specimen, Orr and Mike
Shaffer,
research assistant in the University of Oregon Department of
Geology,
examined
the eggshell using a scanning electron microscope. They found a
typical
porous surface and crystalline, layered cross-section. These
micro-structures
usually indicate a bird egg, possibly that of a pelican.
"Fossil eggs are very rare," Orr says.
"Egg
structures are inherently fragile and designed to be broken
after a few
weeks or months. That any egg survives for the millions of years
it
takes
to become a fossil is truly remarkable."
Prehistoric eggs that do survive are
rarely
found, Orr notes. Because they appear similar to rounded stream
pebbles,
fossil eggs usually go unnoticed, even by seasoned fossil
collectors.
Still, many collectors think they have
found
fossil eggs. Hopeful collectors have presented Orr with hundreds
of
"egg"
fossils for identification. All previous specimens have turned
out to
be
non-organic stones or "concretions," he says.
Having been generally categorized, the
Leary
egg next will be CAT-scanned and X-rayed using the facilities at
a
local
hospital. This will determine the extremely unlikely possibility
that
the
shell bears an intact preserved embryo. Finally, if owner Jim
Leary is
willing, Orr will send the egg to get a more specific
identification
from
a paleontologist who specializes in eggs.
Orr and his wife, Elizabeth, co-authors
of a number of books on the prehistory of Oregon and the Pacific
Northwest,
are just completing a new book on the fossils and
paleontologists of
Oregon.
He expects to make this newly discovered egg a centerpiece
chapter.
Bridges and Beams
After a scant month in Salem, we got
orders
to move to Waldport.
"Oh, Lew, aren't we lucky?," I asked
airily,
peering over his shoulder while he charted our next day’s
journey via
the
wandering black lines of a road map spread on the table. "You
job's a
magic
carpet that whisks us merrily over the countryside, and those
tiny
names
printed on the map will become creeks and mountains and rivers
and bays
and towns. And besides that, it provides us with the ways and
means."
"For gosh sakes! Let the air out of
that
cloud and come on down to earth, Gin, and if you know of any
place
where
we can trade Josephine in on a second-hand magic carpet, we'd
better do
it before we start," Lew stated pessimistically. "Look!"
And his pencil came to rest on a green
blob
on the map indicating the mountains of the Coast Range. Then, it
moved
on to an inch of broken line, which, he explained, meant
secondary
highway
and which could (and subsequently did) mean graveled road in
poor
condition.
With all of Josephine's rattles and
knocks
and four smoothie tires, Lew continued, "We'll be mighty lucky
to wish
ten miles out of town without trouble."
We packed our vases and ashtrays again
and
tied the paraphernalia which could not be loaded into the back
seat
onto
Josephine's running boards. The next day we started out behind
the
state
truck, with one of the other crewmen following behind us in his
car. We
had left the town five or six miles behind, when the other
driver
started
honking loudly and gesturing in sign language. Lew, who was used
to the
crew’s practical jokes, only laughed and said, "They're making
fun of
our
good looking automobile. It probably does look like a refugee
from a
tin
can factory."
But the honking grew louder, and the
rear-view
mirror showed the gestures were becoming more frantic; so Lew
pulled
over
to the next curb and found the rear wheels were all but
off—rolling two
feet out in space from the fenders. We had evidently lost a
simple
little
thing called a pin. Another half a mile and we would have been
in a
very
embarrassing predicament—no wheels! We pulled into a nearby
garage for
minor repairs and continued to Waldport without further
casualty.
Waldport is a tiny seacoast town
nestled
close to the Pacific where the Alsea River empties into the
ocean. We
rented
a little cabin along the dunes where we could look out and see
the
breakers
creeping in and smell the salt air and the pungence from the
small
wharves
where daily, fresh fish and crabs and clams were available.
The crew was scraping and painting a
bridge
located ten miles south of Waldport. It spanned a small river
whose
ample
and sandy banks made an ideal picnic site, and tourists often
stopped
there
to swim or lunch or loaf in the white sand. The crew's foreman,
who the
men affectionately called "Minnie," considered himself to be
Oregon's
gift
to the "gentler sex." It there were any women—large or small,
blondes,
brunettes or redheads, old or young—sited within a radius of a
mile,
Minnie
went into his act. On the highest four inch brace of the bridge
he
would
perch precariously on one foot, or sing a song in a loud nasal
tenor,
or
dance a jig or whistle, which no doubt made an impression on the
crew.
One windy day, a couple of
"beautiful-but-dumb"
females scantily clad with scarcely enough cloth between them to
flag a
handcar, were trying in vain to start a fire. Minnie hurriedly
grasped
this golden opportunity to play “boy scout.” He hastily climbed
down
from
his lofty perch, started whistling as jaunty as you please, and
headed
for the river banks below and the "pretty, pretty" girls.
When Minnie had all but reached his
destination,
one of the men watching from atop the bridge yelled out, "Hey,
girls,
you're
having such a bad time starting your fire, so I'm sending one of
my
boys
down to help you." With that he removed his cap, threw it in the
air,
and
caught it, bowing politely when the girls waved to thank him.
Minnie,
less
his enthusiasm, started the fire.
There was no variety of diversion in
this
tiny town. The entertainment was the one and only theater
featuring
tender
sagas of murder-in-three-easy-lessons, and blood-and-thunder
Westerns,
which neither Lew nor I could endure—even as a last resort. For
week-end
diversion, we made exploration trips of the near-by country. We
visited
the lighthouses and aquariums and the small neighboring towns
and drove
down the coast to the Sea
Lion Caves, a maternity home for sea lions. They
came each year
by the thousands to these caves to bear and rear their young.
One hazy Sunday afternoon we chose to
follow
a dirt road on the north side of Yaquina Bay. It meandered
through
acres
of farmland, passed farm houses and barns and fields pasturing
dairy
herds,
and spiraled down a steep hill toward the mud flats of Alsea
Bay. After
following the river upstream a short ways, the road came to a
dead end.
We turned around and headed toward town, but we had reckoned
without
the
mud, for the hazy sky had clobbered up and the rain came
drizzling
down.
A wet clay road provides about as much traction for four
"smoothies" as
a glass one would, and we were ascending a steep hill by the
ingenious
process of lunging forward a foot at a time and sliding
backwards two
feet
at a time. Though we were getting nowhere fast, we had crept
half-way
up
the hill and were rounding a bend in the road when Josephine
stalled,
skidded
across the road toward the embarkment, and there her left rear
wheel
and
fender came to rest snugly against the rut.
Lew got out to look the situation over,
and I bailed out immediately with the baby. Brakes or no brakes,
I
wasn't
taking any chances on Josephine staying put, and a little rain
wouldn't
dampen my spirits half as much as an unchartered flight
backwards into
the bay.
Doubtless, Lew could have solved the
situation
by backing down the hill, but besides losing all the ground we
previously
gained, that could have proven as dangerous as sliding down a
greased
flag
pole blindfolded, in view of the fact that the clay road was wet
and
slick
and getting wetter and slicker by the minute.
We were standing there trying to find
the
easiest solution to our perplexing enigma when a car chugged
around the
corner and came to a clattering half after nearly sideswiping
us. The
driver,
evidently a farmer from the locality, hopped out and freely
offered his
advise. He must have had previous experience, for his car was
equipped
with chains.
"Looks to me like you could go downhill
a heap easier'n you can get started uphill," he calculated.
"Might as
well
let 'er slide down to the bottom and take yer chance goin'
across the
bay
on the railroad trestle—the loggin' train'll most generally back
up for
a feller."
As the farmer chugged off, I looked out
across the Bay at the railroad trestle stretched above the
dreary mud
flats
and wondered uncertainly what the outcome would be if a tie or
two were
missing or the logging train would not back up! We gathered
armloads of
fir boughs and ferns and spread them in and about Josephine's
old
tracks.
At long last, after coaxing Josephine from one rut to another,
we were
going uphill. Though Lew had cursed it for seven kinds of a
"gutless
wonder"
with no more horsepower than a Shetland pony, with its four
wheels once
more in the center of the road, it climbed up and up and over
the hill.
We returned home—sadder and wiser and more than a little wet.
After supper as I was getting the baby
ready
for bed, she wrinkled up her tiny nose and sneezed and sneezed.
The
sneezes
were probably caused by lint from her fuzzy wardrobe, but at the
time I
was positive she was taking cold from the exposure of the
afternoon. I
knew so little about babies and had heard so much about babies
and
pneumonia,
babies and congestion, babies and diphtheria or croup that her
sneezes
suddenly produced a grave and realistic anxiety in my mind.
"Lew," I said, "we'd better doctor her
right
away." Lew went to the medicine chest and returned with a bottle
of
very
potent nose drops.
"If we just use a drop or two, these
shouldn't
hurt her," he said as he handed me the dropper.
I administered them by hastily and
forcefully
squeezing the bulb least the baby should start wiggling. Janet
gasped
and
choked and screamed with rage. Lew had filled the dropper full,
and I,
thinking it contained a mere one or two drops, had given her the
works,
nearly strangling her to death.
"Lew! How could you!," I wailed.
The baby would not let me comfort her,
and
though it was past time for her "Gin Fizz" she clung to Lew in
indignation
and screamed loudly if I dared take her.
"She thinks I did it on purpose," I
said
sadly, "and now she'll always hate me—her own mother! It's a
psychological
matter!"
The "psychological matter" was dropped
after
an hour or two, and she allowed me to nurse her. Everything was
forgiven,
and contentedly, she fell asleep in my arms. Incidentally, she
didn't
develop
even a slight cold.
The Alsea Bay Bridge at Waldport
The old ferries along the Coast
Highway
were
being replaced by gigantic bridges of steel and concrete. The
Alsea Bay
Bridge at Waldport had opened the year before.
We drove to Newport for the grand
opening
of the Yaquina Bay Bridge, and rode across the bay on the
farewell
voyage
of the old ferry. It was a picturesque but sturdy old craft with
its
weather
beaten cabin and its ample decks secured on all sides by
protective
guard
rails. Once a vital link in the Coast Highway system, it had
piled its
course faithfully across the Bay day after day, year after year,
except
on those rare but tempestuous days when the stormy Pacific would
fling
its wild breakers far into the river's mouth. The bridge
overhead
shadowed
its path. The green waves lapped against its sides, and the
white wake
trailed lazily behind until we docked on the opposite side of
the Bay.
Like the other old ferries, it had been outmoded and would soon
fade
into
obscurity, for progress cannot be thwarted by sentiment.
Here in the West a new era was
beginning—an
era of progress and industry and steel. The bridge presaged its
coming.
Built by the sweat and hands and plans of great and simple men
alike,
it
majestically spanned the bay.
Yachats
Yachats is south of Newport, where the
Coast
Range presses closer to the sea, and commercial hustle gives way
to
tidepools,
seal lions, and whales. Known as the "Gem of the Oregon Coast,"
Yachats
may be the perfect coast town. This tiny resort community of
600-some
people
nestled in the shadow of Cape
Perpetua is down close to the water, nearly buried
in salal and
huckleberry. Yachats Bay gravels yield and abundance of agates,
flowered
jasper, blood stones and petrified woods Yachats is a corruption
of the
Alsi word, yahuts, meaning "dark waters at the foot of the
mountain,"
which
is certainly descriptive of this area where the Coast Range
abuts the
ocean
in an unyielding tumult of relentless surf against basalt
bastions. On
a calm day it can be an exciting contest to witness; in stormy
weather
it is awesome. Consequently, this is a favorite stretch of
coastline
for
watching winter storms.
Other spelling and pronunciations for Yachats
have included Youitts (Lewis and Clark Expedition); Youitz
(Samuel
Drake's
Book of Indians of North America); Yawhick, and Yahauts (from
various
Indian
Affairs reports); and Yahuts, Yahatc, Yahats, Yahach, and Yaqa'
yik
(from
various history books). The current spelling and pronunciation
(Yah-hots)
is presumed to come from the German settlers.
Many people have lived here for the
past
8,000 years; the remnant was removed to Siletz Reservation and
is
virtually
extinct. The Alsi and Yahute tribes gathered, hunted, and fished
the
Yachats
area. Shell middens, such as the ones by Devil's
Churn or the Adobe Motel, are a reminder of the
bounty the
natives
found in the Yachats area. Middens, or piles of clam, oyster,
crab, and
mussel shells, formed when, after a seafood feast, diners threw
sand
over
the shells to lessen the odor. After many shellfish meals, the
middens
resembled small dunes. They also caught salmon and flounder with
sharp
sticks. Smelt was caught in dip-nets.
The fish and shell fish, together with
venison
and elk from nearby hills, were smoked or dried for the winter.
Local
plants
were gathered and dried or ground for flour. The local
vegetation also
provided medicines and materials for clothing and shelters.
The natives regularly burned the
hillside
to ensure good hunting, a practice that was continued when
non-indians
settled the area so they could have more grazing land for their
livestock.
While Indian campfires are gone now,
the
legacy of the Alsi will live on forever as long as people come
here to
gaze in wonder at sunsets and at the fury of winter storms.
Alsea Sub-Agency Established 1855
On August 11, 1855, an unratified
treaty
created the Coast Range Reservation, and the Alsea sub-agency
was
established
at Yachats. This was home to natives from many different tribes
and
bands
from throughout Oregon and Northern California.
Board houses, cattle sheds, a
blacksmith
shop, storage buildings for far tools, and fields for crops all
occupied
the area at Agency Creek, near the present-day Adobe Motel.
Some of the Indians also made a trail
up
Yachats River and cleared land for farming.
Ida L. Case Ingalls (1871-1960) was
born
at the sub-agency in 1871. The first non-indian child born in
the
Yachats
area, she was the daughter of Mary Craigie (1848-1933) and Sam
Case
(1831-1904),
then the current agent. Case served as agent from 1870 to
February
1872,
then again from March 23, 1873 to June 7, 1873. He later moved
to
Newport
and became very involved with the development of the town and
education.
One of Newport's schools, Sam Case Elementary, is named after
him.
During the 20 years following the
establishment
of the Coast Reservation many changes took place. The
reservation was
divided
when the center section, near Yaquina Bay, was opened to white
settlement
in 1866. In March 1875 the US Senate passed a bill that removed
the
sub-agency
and granted land to all the indigenous peoples that wanted to
homestead.
Some chose to remain in the Yachats area, and they were
"allowed" to as
long as they were able to support themselves.

In 1877 US Indian Agent William Bagley wrote
the following letter to the hon. E. A. Hayt, Commissioner of
Indian
Affairs
in Washington DC:
I desire to again respectfully call
your
attention to the condition of the Alsea Indians who are here, as
well
as
those who are now at Alsea on leave of absence. We have found it
impossible
to feed any of them, except such as we can give employment or
furnish
with
lumber for houses, and were left with the only alternative of
allowing
them leave of absence to fish in the waters of Alsea where they
are
acquainted
with the fishing ground and can more easily obtain their
subsistence
than
here. Besides this many of them still own their own
compunitively
comfortable
houses at Alsea into which they can go and find shelter from the
storms
which for a few weeks past have been very severe.
While I deeply regret the necessity of
this
course it could not be avoided unless by allowing them to suffer
with
hunger
and cold. They should by all means be provided by government and
houses,
food and clothing this winter, and with some teams, seed and
farming
implements
in the early spring so that they could during the coming year
provide
their
own food for themselves. They do not give up their desire to
remain
here
so as soon as they shall be assured that government is acting in
good
faith
with them in the matter of allotment of land and assistance to
cultivate
the same, I respectfully ask that you will at an early day make
such
provisions
as is possible for their maintenance and so forth. Unless this
can be
done
it will not be possible to keep them on the reserve, except by
force of
arms. They could be overpowered and starved to death on the
reserve but
such a course would not be wise. I herewith send you a statement
of the
number of Alseas who have voluntarily given up their claims to
the
Alsea
Country and desire to find homes on this reserve with the amount
required
to furnish them with rations during the winter. Could we obtain
one
half
the amount they are justly entitled to and in the spring provide
them
such
teams, tools, seen, etc., as would enable them to provide for
themselves,
they would be comfortable and contented. Or could they be
returned to
their
former houses and secured in the possession of them they would
provide
for themselves. What can I do for them? Estimates have been sent
to
your
office, from which I have no reply. Can you do anything to help
us
place
the Indians of this reserve in a condition to support themselves
and
this
soon bring them out of the slough of dispassion? Would that our
government
might deal justly with the Indians and thus save millions
expended for
the prosecuting wars against them,. As there are no treaty funds
for
this
agency we are dependent entirely upon the general incidental
fund, and
hence plead earnestly to you.
On September 13, 1879, "Boston" wrote to the editor of the Gazette:
Some time since the citizens of Lower Alsea sent to Agent Swan, at Siletz, a numerously signed petition requesting him to visit the bay and confer with them in regard to removing straggling Indians to the agency. In response to the petition, Mr. Swan came and held a pow-wow with his dusky wards, but was careful to avoid giving a definite answer as to what he intended to do in the premises. Several of these Indians are holding valuable land claims, which they are not entitled to, as they have not, and can not comply with the law. If they were removed to the agency, where they belong, the land would be taken by white settlers, who would assist in building roads, establishing schools, and otherwise contribute to the prosperity of the country. The residents of the Alsea think that as the government has generously provided for the keeping of these Indians, they should be taken to the reservation, and we shall anxiously await agent Swan's decision.
From Ocean View to Yachats
Formerly known as Ocean View, Yachats
is
located at the mouth of the Yachats, eight miles south of
Waldport.
Ocean
View post office was established November 5, 1887, with George
M. Starr
first postmaster. The office was discontinued September 27,
1893, and
reestablished
April 27, 1904. This early office was located about a mile north
of the
City of Yachats, near the old reservation. Jenneta Kindred also
served
as postmaster, and in 1912 the Ocean View office was moved to
the
Hosford
residence, which was near the mouth of Yachats River.
The new post office was established
October
13, 1916, with Donna Berry first postmaster. On February 18,
1917, the
name of office was changed from Ocean View to Yachats at the
suggestion
of J. Kenneth Berry (1905-1931) because it was at the mouth of Yachats
River. It was decided that since there were already
too many
towns
on the coast with "ocean" monikers, the name really should be
changed.
Getting mail to and from Yachats was
never
easy, and until the road was rocked in 1931, rains made it
impossible
for
the mail to be carried by car.

Yachats
on the
OregonCoast 1946
Photo
Courtesy of Julie
Hendricks
The Reverend Virgil Howell Remembers Yachats
The following account of Yachats was probably penned around 1930 by Rev. Virgil Howell (1880-1943):
It began to be settled by the whites
in...
Some of the early settlers was Ingram on the present Carson
place,
Robert
Mann (1877-1945), Austin Howell, Bill Reeves, Harmon Buoy
(1838-1903).
Ms. Buoey was the first school teacher.
The writer was one of her pupils. There was plenty of game then
such as
bear, deer, elk. One day Will Buoy left the room and on his
return let
the entire school go out to see the bear go over the mountain.
You know
the song.
Well, the land wasn't surveyed yet, so
the
settlers took what they called a squatters claim. And this meant
that
his
family must be there continually for if they left for 24 hours
the next
fellow that came along could move right in and take possession.
Well,
this
was what happened to the writer's father. He, with his cousin
Milt
Howell,
went out to Waldport to fish for the market one year. And on his
return
found another man in his house. So he, with his family had to
seek
shelter
elsewhere: there was just a horse trail up the river, so the
only means
of transportation was on horseback.
The road wasn't built till in the
1890s.
Well, for all the handicaps the settlers visited more as the
telephone
hadn't come yet. There was more harmony as the settlers
exchanged work
more, had things in common.
Nearly everyone went to church. Well
now
we have roads and have exchanged the old log schoolhouse for
more
modern
ones. And with the coming of the Coast Highway there is a town
springing
up at the mouth of the river, with two churches, the Evangelical
and
Free
Methodist, three grocery stores, two hotels, one bakery. We are
much in
need of a garage, a doctor, a dentist.
We also have a good school. The climate
is fine, we have a fine bathing beach with fresh water in the
river. So
one can choose between the salt water and the fresh. Plenty of
rocky
coast
for fishing.
Mountain climbing near at hand. There
is
opportunity here for dairymen and chicken raisers. Berry growers
as
well
as professional men. There is a pool hall and a large community
hall.
But the greatest sport of all is
casting
for the royal Chinook at the rocks right in the surf. You get a
thrill
you will never forget. We have rock oysters, mussels, crabs,
clams, and
plenty of game in the hills.
The Yachats is growing by leaps and
bounds.
There is a $50,000 hotel to be under construction soon and a
golf
course.
Vacationers started coming to the
Yachats
area in the early 1900s. While some camped near the mouth of the
river,
others owned summer cabins. They came down the beach from
Waldport, or
came over the Yachats Mountain Road.
In 1905 a chittem bark warehouse was
converted
to the Yachats Motel, and the tourist industry really began. In
1920
the
first cabins were built land others followed.
Little Log Church by the Sea
The rustic building at the corner of
Third
and Pontiac streets in Yachats has been a part of this coastal
community
for generations. When R. J. Phelps came to Yachats in 1926, he
organized
the construction of the first real church in the area. Built in
the
shape
of a cross, the Little
Log
Church was a community effort completed and
dedicated in
1930.
Sir Robert Perks, who owned most of Yachats at the time, donated
the
property.
Local people cut and hauled most of the shakes, and the logs
were
donated.
The pews, window panes, and Bible came from a church in Philomath.
They were hauled over the Alsea Road and down the beach to
Yachats.
The church was served by ministers
through
the Evangelical
United
Brethren Church Missions, and later by pastors from
the
Presbyterian church. In 1969, when the congregation grew too
large for
the building, members built a new church a few blocks away, and
the
Little
Log Church and property were sold to the Oregon
Historical Society. It became a museum in 1970, and
the site
was
deeded to the City of Yachats in 1896.
The church underwent complete
restoration
in 1993, made possible by community support and volunteer
laborers.
Some
of the original logs were saved and can be seen at the top of
the
church.
Also saved were the bell and belfry, windows and sashes,
flooring,
pulpit,
pews (some additional pews have been added to the west wing of
the
church
sanctuary, chairs, wood stove, choir-rail, a painting of the
three wise
men, and a harmonium. The church is used for weddings and
special
events.
In 1997, the 400-square-foot museum
annex
was built with the help of the Friends of the Little Log Church
to
house
exhibits not connected with the original building. It sits in
the
"footprints"
of the old church manse, later a Sunday school, which was torn
down in
1976. Today, the museum houses local historical artifacts, local
art
and
literature. Clothing and tools from pioneer days are on display
at the
museum along with period furnishings.
In 1971, Alma Phelps Plunkett, who
operated
the Burnt Woods general store and post office for many years,
recalled,
My father, Rev. Rolla J. Phelps, moved to Waldport. He didn't have any kind of religious service at Yachats at all, so he got to thinking that he really ought to have a church down there. He and his brother got busy and started cutting logs. Roland Dawson in Upper Yachats helped them, as did a lot of other people. In 1927, they built the little log church which now belongs to the Lincoln County Historical Society.
Dunk Dunkelberger: Blacksmith Extraordinar
For many years "Dunk" Dunkelberger was a blacksmith at Yachats for several gypo logging outfits. One day a hobo entered the shop and asked for a job. Business was slack and Dunk wanted to get rid of the "bo" as quickly as possible so he told him that the job was his if he could make a three-way weld, a task that was considered impossible. Then Dunk went out to lunch chuckling to himself and expecting the tramp to be gone when he got back. The hobo was gone when he returned, but he left behind Dunk's duckbilled tongs neatly welded together about the horn of the anvil in a perfect three-way weld. It took almost tow days to saw and file the tongs from the anvil and retemper the horn.
Smelt Sands State Recreation Area
Smelt
Sands State Recreation Area is located at the north
edge of
Yachats,
one of the few places in the world blessed with a run of
oceangoing
smelt
that come ashore to spawn. From April to October, sea-run smelt
hurl
themselves
up Yachats River, aiming straight towards locals with clever
triangular
smelt nets and oily diets.
During the Yachats smelt fry held in
July,
up to 700 pounds of this silver sardine-like fish are served on
the
grounds
of Yachats School.
This is also the location of the
well-known
sculpture by local artist Jim Adler that has become a symbol of
the
Moon
Fish arts program in Yachats.

Smelt
Fishing at
Yachats on the Oregon Coast
Photo
Courtesy of Julie
Hendricks
Spruce Pacific Railroad 1918
Off Camp One Road north of Yachats, a
"Cullen-Friestedt"
Burro railroad track-laying crane sits on a small section of
railroad
track
that was laid by an all volunteer track crew on the morning of
July 1.
These new tracks, which came from
Toledo,
sit on the ground where in 1918, the US Army Corps of Engineers
constructed
a railroad. Members of the Yaquina
Pacific Railroad Historical Society, an enthusiastic
group of
Lincoln
County rail fans interested in exploring and preserving the
area’s
railroad
and timber history, placed the latest set of tracks.
President Larry Reisch and treasurer
Richard
Cullison, both of Yachats, described the history of the railroad
in the
area.
"In 1918, the Army Corps of Engineers
built
what they called the Spruce Pacific Railroad from Camp One north
to
South
Beach," Cullison said. "The plan was to haul out the spruce wood
they
cut
here and use it to build the planes for WWI. The train was the
only way
out. It crossed over a trestle in Waldport on the way to South
Beach,
since
there weren't really any usable roads. But just as they got it
going,
the
war ended, and the tracks sat idle until 1922. Then Gordon
Manary
bought
them, turned Camp One into a logging camp, logged the spruce,
took it
to
South Beach via the train, and floated it upriver to Toledo to
C. D.
Johnson's
sawmill.
"They ran the operation from 1922 to
1937,
and at one time, 400 people lived here in Camp One," he
continued.
"They
had their own school and commissary—Manary's old house is still
standing.
They used a big engine to haul the timber to South Beach and
smaller,
sidewinder
engines worked the spur tracks all over these hills, bringing
the logs
into the main camp. There were miles of tracks everywhere. Camp
One was
one of 12 logging camps scattered all over the area. The 12th
one was
in
Siletz."
"It's fascinating to look at the
connection
between the railroad and the timber industry in this area," said
Reisch.
"Our goal as the historical society is to bring knowledge to the
public
of the major impact the railroad had."
Reisch said the historical society
hopes
to build an interpretive center in Toledo.
"We were taken by surprise with an
awesome
gesture by Bob Melob of Willamette
& Pacific Railroad, who donated the railroad
post office
car
that has been sitting next to the platform since the opening
party (of
the new Toledo post office) to us," he said. "He feels that with
appropriate
interior renovation, this car could be 'good to go,' on a
variety of
assignments,
including public awareness of track safety issues through
Operation
Lifesaver."

Logging in Oregon
Photo
Courtesy of Julie Hendricks
Cape Perpetua an Observation Site During World War II
Sea-going ships passed by the Oregon
coast
as early as 1543 when Bartolome
Ferrelo came this way. Sir Frances Drake (in 1575)
and Martin
de
Aguilar (in 1605) also are known to have passed by. But Capt.
Cook was
the first non-indian to really get credit for being in the
Yachats
area,
although he was not able to land due to the rocky shore. He
named Cape
Perpetua on March 7, 1787. Some day he name the 800-foot high
cape
after
a saint whose birthday fell on that date, while other think it
was
because
a storm and high winds kept them in the area for several days,
with
that
particular headland in sight the whole time, perpetually.
Al;though there were native trails
interlaced
through Cape Perpetua, and a crude trail cut by early
homesteaders for
carrying mail to and from Florence, the Yachats area was very
isolated.
Then in 1914 the US Forest Service blasted a narrow road around
the
cape
and a wooden bridge was built across the Yachats River, making
travel
between
the Yachats area and Florence easier. The wooden bridge was
replaced in
1926 with a steel structure built by Montage and Sons, at a cost
of
$23,034.
As part of an effort to give men jobs
during
the Depression, the Civilian Conservation Corps (CCC) was
established
here.
A camp was built near the site of the current Cape Perpetua
Visitor's
Center
and the men living there worked on many different projects
throughout
the
area. Rockwork was one of the main skills they concentrated on;
and,
the
rock walls around the cape, as well as the shelter built at the
top of
the cape were projects completed by the residents of the camp.
During the early days of the war the
shelter
built by the CCCs at the top of Cape Perpetua was used as an
observation
site and radar station. A large gun was installed, and personnel
looking
for submarines and aircraft manned it.
Foxholes and gun emplacements along the
ocean drive on the hill really brought the war close to home for
the
locals.
Military personnel outnumbered the civilians, and it was rumored
the
government
had spent a million dollars in Yachats installations.
The military personnel were housed in
the
skating rink on West Fourth and the Ladies Club was rented for
recreation.
US Navy blimps from the Tillamook
Air Base patrolled the coast as well, looking for
Japanese
submarines.
After the war quite a few Japanese
mines
floated upon the beaches. The Coast Guard pulled them out to sea
and
blew
them up.
Florence
Florence,
on the north bank of the Siuslaw, is a fishing town and the
trading
point
for farmers of the small Siuslaw Valley.
The town is said to have been named for
A. B. Florence, who was a member of the state Senate at the
session at
1858, 1859 and 1860, representing Lane County. According to
another
story,
the town was named for the French vessel, Florence, wrecked
February
17,
1875, at the mouth of the Siuslaw.
A more romantic and interesting
version,
and one more fitting the character of a charming seaport, is
that the
French
ship Florence went aground near the mouth of the Siuslaw in
February
1875
and broke up in the surf. A piece of flotsam bearing her name
was
washed
ashore, and two beachcombing Siuslaw hung it above the entrance
of the
town's first hotel. Since then, the community has been known as
Florence.
In 1989, Betty Olivera wrote that two different stories offer
the
origin
of the town’s name:
One suggests that the settlement was named in honor of A. B. Florence, a state senator from Lane County in the years 1858-1860. While that is probably true, it lacks the romanticism of the Siuslaw legend.
The Indian name Osceola
(1804-1838)—possibly after a Seminole chief of the 1830s—passed
into
history.
Like many river communities, Florence,
in
its early days, was dependent upon the Siuslaw for
transportation and
commerce.
Row boats and "one-lungers," boats powered by one cylinder
marine
engines,
were used to get around the valley. People traveled from home to
home
and
back by boat. Errands were run, children taken to school, and
parents
went
to churches and sociables in boats, frequently powered by the
winds and
the tides. Mail, food, and supplies were delivered by boat.
Highways
have
replaced waterways for such purposes, but Florence's river
heritage is
still evident. Even as the town grows and spreads northward, it
seems
to
cling to its moorings along the river's north bank. Florence was
born
of
the river, and its first buildings were clustered along it.
Several of
them still stand in the riverfront area known as Old Town. After
years
of neglect and decay, much of Old Florence has been renovated
and is
now
the most interesting part of the city.
The Siuslaw and Kuitsh
The Siuslaw
and Kuitsh
(often called Lower Umpqua) peoples were two closely related
American
Indian
tribes who lived along the Central Oregon Coast, around the
modern
cities
of Reedsport
and
Florence. The Siuslaw lived mainly around the estuary of Siuslaw
River,
leaving during summer to travel upriver and into the hills of
the Coast
Range. Kuitsh had their winter villages around Winchester Bay,
at the
mouth
of Umpqua
River.
The whole coast held by the two peoples was about 50 miles in
length,
from
Cape Perpetua in ther north to the Tenmile Lakes in the south.
In
summer,
both people wandered probably as far as the Willamette Valley
and there
is a tradition of a Siuslaw village in the Lorane Valley,
southwest of
Eugene.
Kuitsh fishing camps were common up the Umpqua as far as the
modern
town
of Scottsburg.
The indigenous landscape was very
diverse.
The Siuslaw and Lower Umpqua rivers and estuaries were the
dominating
factor
in the lower economy, providing fish and shellfish. Good fishing
was
available
from a chain of freshwater lakes, including Siltcoos and
Tahkenitch
lakes,
which lay behind a band of coastal dunes. The rivers provided a
highway
into the Coast Range, which lay to the east of the tribal
territories.
In the mountains, hunting and gathering were major summer
activities.
The
whole landscape was heavily timbered, except along the sand
dunes. An
underbrush
of alder and berry bushes was thick and luxurious, making travel
arduous.
To some extent, this also protected and isolated the Siuslawan.
The Siuslaw and Kuitsh lived in a mild,
rainy, marine climate with ample resources of fish, plants,
timber, and
game. They followed a seasoned round of hunting and gathering,
moving
each
season to harvest salmon, berries, elk and deer, camas bulbs,
fern
roots,
and shellfish. Occasionally, they hunted seals and sea lions,
and any
stranded
whale was eagerly rendered for blubber and oil. However, they
probably
did not engage in open-ocean whaling or sealing.
Language
The Siuslaw and Kuitsh spoke dialects of the same language, called Siuslawan. The language is an isolate, with some affinities to the broad language family known as Penutian. It may be related to the Coos languages to the south, and the Alsea to the north, but no definitive conclusions have been reached. it is certainly a rich and complex language, but it is now extinct, and records are very sketchy. The last Siuslawan-speaking people were the Barrett family and Billy Dick of Florence, who was interviewed in the 1950s.
Technology
The Siuslaw and Kuitsh built large,
high-powered
canoes up to 20 feet long, carved out of cedar logs. They were
mainly
for
river and bay travel, as open-ocean sailing was very risky.
However, a
few ocean-going canoes were imported from the Alsea and Chinook
to the
north, who specialized in such sturdy canoes. Lodges were
semi-subterranean,
up to 50 feet long, built of split and smoothed planks, with an
oval
entrance.
The roof was gabled with a single-ridge pole. Racks along the
ceiling
stored
dried food, baskets, tools, and personal possessions. The
interiors
were
lined with mats. Sweat houses were often dug into hillsides.
Basketry
was
ornate and prolific, but pottery was not practiced.
The Siuslaw toolkit included a wide
array
of hunting, fishing and woodworking tools, including toggle
harpoons.
Hunting
tools doubled as weapons of war. Bows were made of yew and vine
maple,
and the Siuslaw held them at a horizontal angle to shoot. Like
some of
the Athapascan
people to the south, elk-hide armor was used.
Clothing and Decoration
Clothing was appropriate to the
season.
In
the warm summer it was minimal, but during rain or cold, tanned
hide or
plant fiber clothing was worn. Men wore belted buckskin shirts
and
leggings,
and water repellent capes or cattail or shredded bark were used
during
the long rainy season. Women wore long fiber or hide dresses or
skirts,
and flat-topped woven basket hats. Regalia and ceremonial gear
were
signs
of wealth, and included woodpecker-scalp headgear, dance
costumes, and
decorated belts and headbands. Moccasins were only used on long
trips—the
climate and landscape were so wet that bare feet were more
practical.
Tattooing was practiced, especially
among
women who marked their wrists and legs. The commonest tattoos
were
lines
on the arms, as a ready-made calculator for measuring strings of
valuable
dentalia. Edward S. Curtis in 1923 photographed an elderly
Tolowa man
(100
miles to the south) with these distinctive tattoos. Hair was
straight
and
black, and men often wore bushy mustaches. Men and women were
quite
short,
averaging from 5' to 5'6" in height.
The Siuslawan represented the southern
limit
of the practice of distinctive head-flattening that was common
along
the
Columbia River to the north, and by extension along the Northern
Oregon
Coast. There is a tradition that they tried and failed to
introduce
this
"prestigious" custom, which in much of the Northwest marked the
aristocracy
from the commoner or slave.
The Siuslawan were a well-nourished
people,
probably in better health than 19th Century Europeans. Food
resources
were
reliable and abundant, and supported a population of several
thousand.
Starvation was seldom a problem, although there may have been
some
dietary
deficiencies such as Vitamin C. More likely causes of illness
and
mortality
were injuries from hunting and fishing, and possible from
warfare and
interpersonal
violence. The population was much more disease-free than their
European
and Asian contemporaries—there were only about a dozen important
infectious
diseases native to the Western hemisphere. Unfortunately, this
also
meant
that any resistance to Old World pathogens had long since
vanished for
the Siuslaw population.
Social , Political and Religious Organization
The Siuslaw and Kuitsh did not define
themselves
as a people in a political or even linguistic sense, in the way
that
modern
nations and ethnic groups define themselves. Almost all
organization
was
at the village level, which was based on related males, with
their
wives
and children. Essentially, everyone outside the village was a
"foreigner."
However, women married outside their village, and each village
had
extensive
relationships of marriage, trade and alliances with their
neighbors.
Some
people probably spoke several of the nearby languages to
facilitate
their
relationships, or used trade and sign languages. Villages
combined to
meet
special threats like an alien slaving expedition or other
regional
catastrophe.
Much of local life focused on wealth
and
its acquisition. Subsistence was seldom a problem, and social
ranking
was
largely determined by personal wealth, as represented by valued
possessions
such as dentalia (a shell money from Vancouver Island)
woodpecker
scalps,
abalone and olivella shells, and decorated regalia.
Society was quite stratified, probably
into
four classes. The elite were defined by wealth and its attendant
prestige,
and below them were progressively poorer people of lesser
status. At
the
bottom were the slaves, who were rather few in this area. It was
possible
to fall into slavery from gambling debts, but only the
wealthiest
people
held slaves. The Siuslaw and Kuitsh were often themselves raided
by
other
peoples for slaves. Each village had a chief or leader, usually
a
wealthy
and respected man who mediated village disputes, imposed fines,
and
made
sure that wealth was distributed to the less fortunate. Bride
price was
an important factor in setting one's status for life, and
marriage and
its financial obligations played a very important role in
stabilizing
and
integrating the society.
Little is known of Siuslawan religion,
but
it probably closely followed neighboring Coosan forms. There
were
shamans,
probably of two types: doctors who trained intensively to cure
illness
through magic, and priestly shamans who elaborated various
tribal
rituals.
Ritual purification was carried out for women after childbirth,
at
menarche,
for anybody who had killed (in battle or in murder), or anybody
who had
handled a cadaver. Both types of shamans were feared for their
power,
and
were sometimes killed.
Dances, games and feasts were popular
activities
at various important times of the year, such as first elk and
first
salmon
of the season. Winter was the season for story-telling, when the
galaxy
of stories from the oral literature were recited for old and new
audiences.
Gambling, as in all of Western Oregon, was a serious pastime,
using
beaver-teeth
dice; and shinny (a ball game similar to hockey) was probably
played.
Recent History
Spanish and Asian ships may have
contacted
the Siuslawan in the 17th and 18th centuries. There is ample
evidence
of
Chinese coins and pottery from the Northern Oregon Coast. Coos
tradition
recalls a visit from a Japanese junk, which returned across the
Pacific
with some local people as passengers. One important geological
event
took
place on January 26, 1700. A monster earthquake calculated at
9.0 on
the
Richter scale tore apart the pacific Northwest coastline from
Washington
state southwards. The effect on the Siuslawan is unknown, but
probably
many villages were wrecked or inundated by tsunamis.
In the late 18th Century, British,
Russian
and American traders appeared along the coast in increasing
numbers,
introducing
iron and textiles, but also a wave of disastrous epidemics. The
first
smallpox
appeared on the Oregon Coast in 1775, probably introduced by
Spanish
sailors.
Another smallpox epidemic broke out in 1801, and from then on
measles,
whooping cough, influenza, syphilis and dysentery visited the
coast in
a deadly series. In 1830 a sickness now believed to be malaria
carried
off thousands of Western Oregon people, and the Siuslawan
population
may
have been halved again by smallpox in 1836, although at this
point a
small
immunity was beginning to develop. Overall, population plunged
from
about
3,000 to a few hundred in 30 or 40 years. The 1910 US Census
reported
only
seven Siuslaw.
In 1828, the Kuitsh attacked and wiped
out
the Jedediah
Smith exploring party at the mouth of the Umpqua,
leaving only
three survivors. Around the same time the Siuslaw destroyed a
Chinookan
slaving expedition. In the 1830s, huge forest fires devastated
the
Coast
Range landscape, disrupting the local economy and resource base.
By the
time the white settlers arrived in this area in the 1850s, the
two
peoples
had been drastically reduced in number. Open warfare with
non-indians
never
afflicted this region of the Oregon Coast, but the local tribes
were
shattered
by the combined effects of epidemics, environmental devastation,
and
cultural
extinction.
The Kuitsh were deported north to a
desolate
reservation at Yachats in the 1850s, where they hung on in
desperate
conditions
until 1875. The surviving Siuslaw mainly stayed in their home
area, and
gradually their Kuitsh cousins filtered back to the Central
Oregon
Coast.
However, language, culture, population, and native lifeways had
been
terribly
damaged. Most of the survivors intermarried or were otherwise
submerged
in the new non-indian culture. Tribal identity nevertheless
remained
strong.
Periodically the Siuslaw and Kuitsh, in alliance with their Coos
neighbors
to the south, reached the United Nations, and relations with the
federal
government remained strained and litigious.
In the 1950s, the tribes were
"terminated,"
along with most of the other tribes of Western Oregon. This
meant that
they were no longer recognized as Indians by the government.
However,
this
policy is now viewed as a disaster, and a trend towards
recognition
began
in the 1970s. The Confederated
Tribes
of the Coos, Lower Umpqua (Kuitsh), and Siuslaw were
recognized
by statute in 1984, with an enrolled population of around 500.
Invasion of Siuslawan Lands 1876
With the area thrown open for
settlement,
white people began arriving in 1876. Mail service commenced in
1877
with
the arrival of William Moody in Florence. He used his trading
center to
gather and deliver mail. Florence, still nameless, received its
mail
addressed
to "Siuslaw River, Oregon Territory." The first official
Florence post
office was established December 15, 1879, with Albert J. Moody
first
postmaster.
William Kyle and his partner, Michael Meyer, established the
first
mercantile
business in town, and the post office operated out of the store.
The
store
still stands in its original location at the Bridgewater
Restaurant. It
is a fine example of early commercial architecture.
In 1881, the Siuslaw Road Association
formed
a group to construct a road to Eugene, 56 miles eastward in the
Willamette
Valley. Completed in 1881, the corduroy road was so rough, only
the
stouthearted
dare ride the stagecoach. It is said many fainthearted
passengers were
strapped to their seats to prevent them from leaping from the
careening
stagecoach. The trip to Eugene took two days. The dearth of
passable
roads
in the surrounding territory forced settlers to travel by boat.
Travel
to neighbors, shopping, school, and social activities was
accomplished
by rowing a boat up or down the streams. Travelers waited for
the tides
to help push the boats to or from the activity. Caught on the
river in
darkness or fog, the boatman dropped anchor and checked the
tidal swing
of the boat to determine the direction home.
The town's first mayor was B. F. Alley,
a former state senator who introduced the bill to incorporate
Florence,
which took place officially on April 19, 1893. Now, 100 years
later,
Roger
W. McCorckle, a teacher in government studies for the local high
school
and community college, begins his mayoral duties at the start of
a year
long "Centennial Celebration," including a special weekend event
in
April
and closing with a time capsule internment in December.
Florence, with a population of more
than
300 in 1902, was the largest town on the Siuslaw and boasted a
new
telephone
exchange. The building, still standing on Maple Street, housed
the
switchboard
on the first floor, with quarters for the operators on the
second
floor.
An electrical generating plant went into operation in 1912. The
railroad
reached Cushman about four miles upriver, in 1914.
Chinese Laborers Support Florence's Salmon Industry 1800s
Florence was the hub of the central coast fishing and lumber industry. The salmon canning industry, a $100,000 a year industry in the late 1800s, employed great numbers of Chinese laborers. They cleaned and cut the fish, cut the metal and formed the cans, soldered the lids shut on the filled and steaming cans. Most Chinese laborers lived in their own community.
Heceta Head Lighthouse Illuminated 1894
Continued recognition of the Siuslaw
was
given by the introduction of bills by Senator Mitchell and
Congressman
Hermann to provide $80,000 for the construction of Heceta Head
Lighthouse,
located about 12 miles north of Florence on the west side of the
1000-foot-high
Heceta Head (44° 08' 15"), 205 feet above the ocean. The
light at
the
top of its 56-foot tower was illuminated in 1894. Now, its
automated
beacon
can be seen 21 miles from land and is rated as the strongest
light on
the
Oregon Coast.
In the fall of 1889, Hermann visited
Eugene
and promised to exert his influence towards obtaining a
livesaving
station
at the mouth of the Siuslaw and the establishment of regular
mail
service
between Eugene and Florence.
Finally, on May 31, 1890, a dispatch
from
Hermann stated that Congress had appropriated $50,000 for
beginning a
jetty
at the mouth of the river. Eleven months later the
representative
announced
that the Siuslaw project was being prepared by the chief
engineers.
Great indignation was aroused in Eugene
in June 1891, when the engineers' report stated that the Siuslaw
was
not
worthy of improvement at the time. Eugene citizens sent protests
to
Washington.
In August, representative Hermann announced that the engineer
had
overestimated
the cost. Shortly afterwards the work was ordered to commerce.
This so
thrilled George Melvin Miller, brother of the poet Joaquin
Miller, that he rode to Florence on horseback to
deliver the
good
news before the mail could bring it, and was eventually
instrumental in
the development of the town.
Heceta
Head
Lighthouse on the Oregon Coast
Cincinnatus Hiner Miller
Cincinnatus Hiner Miller (1837-1913)
was
born in Union County, Indiana, November 10, 1842. His parents
moved to
Missouri in 1848, and to Oregon in 1852. The poet tells the
story:
"The first thing of mine in print was
the
valedictory class poem, at Columbia College, Eugene, 1859. At
this
date,
Columbia College, the germ of University of Oregon, had many
students
from
Oregon and California, and was famous as an educational center.
I had
been
writing Oregon trying to write, since a lad. My two brothers and
my
sister
were at my side, our home with our parents, and we lived
entirely to
ourselves.
We were all school teachers when not in college. In 1861, my
elder
brother
and I were admitted to practice law under Geo.rge H. Williams,
afterwards
attorney-general under Pres. Ulysses S. Grant (1822-1885)."
As a lawyer, Miller became deeply
interested
in Joaquín Murietta, a Mexican outlaw for whom he made a
legal
defense.
Later he "poetized" his client, taking his name.
The nom-de-plume became popular; and at
the present time the poet is best known to literature under the
name of
"Joaquín Miller."
In 1862, he edited the Democratic
Register
in Eugene, which was later suppressed for
disloyalty. While
editor, he married Minnie Dyer, of Port Orford, who, in the
1870s,
became
famous for her early Victorian writing style in Oregon literary
circles,
using the pen name "Minnie Myrtle Miller." She produced a marked
change
in the character and writings of her husband. That delicate and
refined
love of the beautiful and that sympathy for the erring and
unfortunate
which characterized his writings must be admitted to date from
his
marriage.
The poet said: "That which is best in my works was inspired by
her."
Miller moved to Canyon City, in Eastern
Oregon, where he wrote poetry, served as county judge and
practiced
law.
In 1868, he published "Specimens," and in 1869,
"Joaquín-Et Al."
Believing that he could find a better market for his
publications in
Europe
than in American, he went to London in 1870. Soon "The Songs of
the
Sierras,"
written before he left Oregon, appeared in England and in Boston
simultaneously.
Included in Miller's Songs of the
Sierras
was "Kit Carson's Ride." Carson, who also appears in Willa
Cather's (1873-1947) novel Death Comes to the
Archbishop, was
an
American folklore hero. Kit Carson was the popular name of
Christopher
Huston (1809-1869), a frontiersman and guide who appears as a
hero in
many
legends. One of Carson's contemporaries said "Kit Carson's word
was as
sure as the sun comin' up" and "Kit never cussed more'n was
necessary,"
making Carson a perfect subject for legend.
Miller's originality, freshness of
style,
vigor of thought and expression were greeted with applause; and
Englishmen
hailed him as the "American Byron." Upon returning to America he
did
journalistic
work in Washington DC, until the fall of 1887, when he removed
to
Oakland,
California, where he remained until his death, February 17,
1913.
In the meantime, feeling was so
intense
against
the engineer that the citizens of Florence had him hung in
effigy.
Miller's
arrival directed their resentment to enthusiasm, but the
remnants of
the
stuffed image swayed in the breeze.
Lumbering thrived in the coastal
community.
This was due to the extensive forests of tall pine trees
surrounding
the
town. The cut timber was shipped by barge to San Francisco. The
growing
influx of settlers also placed a heavy demand on the lumber
mills for
timber
for homes.
In 1913, a bill backed by a local
lumber
company was introduced in the state legislature to form Siuslaw
County.
In 1975, after dissatisfaction with Lane County officials'
responsiveness
to Florence citizens, "McCall County"—honoring the highly
regarded
former
governor—was put in motion by strong-willed community leaders,
the
local
newspaper and timber industry. While this latter effort also
fell short
of establishing a new coastal county, West Lane area residents
continue
to remind the county seat that there is life west of Veneta.
The Siuslaw
National Forest is located in the Coast Range of
Oregon. Its
630,
acres extends from Tillamook to Coos Bay. Its terrain ranges
from dense
Douglas fir stands, complemented with lush, green vegetation,
and miles
of sand dunes. This forest is just one of two in the continental
US
whose
borders include the Pacific Ocean. The Los Padres National
Forest in
California
is the only other national forest that can make this claim. The
highest
point in the forest is Marys
Peak with an elevation of 4,097 feet. Dense forests,
combined
with
controlled timber harvest, provide habitat for a variety of big
game,
including
blacktail and Roosevelt deer. Coastal scenic attractions within
Siuslaw
National Forest include Cascade Head Scenic and Research Area,
Cape
Perpetua,
and the Oregon Dunes National Recreational Area. The forest
contains
three
designated wildlife areas totaling 22,600 acres. They are
Cummins
Creek,
Driftwood Creek, and Rock Creek.
Oregon Sand Dunes Formed 60 Million Years Ago
The dense forests and seaside basalt
cliffs
stop short at the mouth of the Siuslaw, where they're replaced
by giant
sand dunes all the way south to Coos Bay. The dunes, claimed to
be the
highest in North America, started to form more than 60 million
years
ago.
Volcanic basalt cliffs never formed a barrier here, and the
ocean
bottom
sand was free to blow inland, forming huge shifting hills, to
heights
of
500 feet or more. The dunes are vast; they stretch 41 miles
southward
along
the coast, and in some places, they reach a couple of miles
inland.
European
beach grass, introduced around 1900 to hold sand down and
prevent it
from
blocking river channels, is forming a mat over the sand, and the
dunes
no longer blow and shift as they once did. Once the dunes are
held
firmly
in place, other vegetation can take hold, and the unpredictable
blowsy
wild cards of the landscape will be replaced by more permanent
features.
Famous for the abundance of
rhododendrons
growing in the area, Florence is designated the City of
Rhododendrons
and
has since 1908 held the annual Rhododendron
Festival each May. South of Florence, the wild
azalea replaces
the rhododendrons on the hills. This brightly flowered shrub
thrives
best
in open spaces, and reaches the height on its beauty and
fragrance in
May
and June.
Vine Maple Savages
An historical account of Florence would not be complete without mentioning the notorious Vine Maple Savages with a mailing address of "1/2 Mile Back in the Brush, Florence." Though unknown by names and seldom seen, they have moss in place of hair, wear tin pants and only come out of the woods when it is apparent that citizens are unable to defend themselves against the bureaucracy of government. Once the group was reported to be standing guard, muskets ready, looking for Bonneville Power agents disguised as fish swimming up the Siuslaw. In another incident when local residents struggled with the National Parks Service over maintaining Forest Service management of the Oregon Dunes National Recreation Area, the Savages, not surprisingly, were reported to have led a Park Service dignitary away with a noose around his neck during the annual Rhododendron Festival parade. Some say his boots are still visible out there in the ever-blowing sand dunes.
Gem Along The Central Oregon Coast
The City of Florence, situated on the
Siuslaw
River amidst a chain of beautiful freshwater lakes, rests almost
exactly
halfway along the Oregon Pacific shore, and is fortunate to
possess all
of the many gems the shore’s 400-mile stretch features including
wide
beaches,
rocky inlets, scenic rivers, fir-clad mountains, and quaint
harbors. As
inhabitants boasted in 1891, Florence is "a diamond set among
the
pearls"
of the Siuslaw Valley.
Today, the City of Rhododendrons serves
a population of 19,000. To some it is a retirement community.
Almost 50
percent of the residents are retired, contributing of their time
and
talents
to the betterment of the community.
The business community will tell you
Florence
is a tourist town, citing the fishing, the tourist
accommodations, the
Old Town with its art galleries, book shops and souvenir shops.
They
will
boast of the sand dunes or extol the lumbering industry.
The mild climate, outstanding sport
fishing
opportunities, vast forests, clean lakes, high sand dunes and
inspiring
scenery will bring you back again and again to this gem along
the
Central
Oregon Coast.
Chapter 22: South Oregon Coast
The Spanish navigator, Bartolome Ferrelo, is said to have reached the mouth of the Umpqua in 1543 and some romanticists like to believe, English admiral Sir Francis Drake sailed the Golden Hynde into the river and there set ashore in the wilderness his Spanish pilot, Morera. This however, probably took place farther south. Spanish archives record that in 1832 a ship disabled by severe weather entered the Umpqua, and ascended it as far as the site of Scottsburg, where repairs were made. Many trees were cut down and, the decayed stumps were seen by the first white settlers, who were told by the Indians about the vessel that had arrived there many years before, manned by white men with beards.
Valley of the Green Giant
At the far end of Douglas County in
the
Cascade
Mountains, the North Umpqua River rises and flows westward,
gathering
the
waters of two dozen rivers and creeks before joining the South
Umpqua
near
Roseburg. From there the mighty river courses north and west
through
the
Coast Range, creating what might be called the Valley of the
Green
Giant,
because that's exactly what the Umpqua
is
by the time its slate-green waters pass beneath the State Route
bridge
at Scottsburg, he head of tidewater.
Flanked by emerald mountains, the great
river parallels State Route 38 for another 16 miles and is
joined by
the
Smith River before passing beneath the US-101 bridge at
Reedsport, in
the
heart of the Oregon Dunes National Recreation Area.
Reedsport is located on the south shore
of Winchester Bay, three miles south of Gardiner. It was named
in honor
of Alfred W. Reed, a pioneer resident of the western part of
Douglas
County,
and evolved because of the site’s proximity to the Umpqua River.
The
name
was first applied about 1900 when the townsite was platted. The
post
office
was established July 17, 1912, with Joseph Lyons the first
postmaster.
The vast dunes of the Oregon Dunes
National
Recreation Area stretch for 40 miles from the mouth of the
Siuslaw
south
to Coos Bay.
Birds and animals abound in this land
of
buried forests, rare plants and insects, freshwater lakes and
mountains
of shifting sand. At the Dean
Creek
Elk Viewing Area, three miles east of Reedsport,
shaggy
Roosevelt
elk graze in this 1,040 acre preserve. Sections of the preserve
have
been
improved to provide better habitat for waterfowl and wildlife.
In
addition
to the herd of 60 to 100 elk, nutria, black tailed deer,
ospreys,
mallard
and wood ducks, great blue herons and western bluebirds
flourish.
Beyond, the bridge at Reedsport rounds
the
big bend just past Gardiner, swings southward, and becomes Winchester
Bay. Having traversed the breadth of Douglas County
and wended
its way through the canyons, gorges, and benchlands of two
mountain
ranges,
the Umpqua has become the largest coastal river between the
Columbia
and
San Francisco Bay.
Once an important transportation and
commerce
corridor, the Umpqua moved passengers and freight, via
riverboat,
between
the coast and Scottsburg. The Willamette Valley was connected to
Scottsburg
by roads traveled by stagecoach and wagon. Sawmills in the area
sent
their
lumber on schooners and streamers south to the burgeoning
boomtown on
the
Bay, San Francisco.
Smith River
Jedediah Strong Smith (1799-1831), for
whom
Smith River is named, explored this country in the 1820s after
the
Hudson's
Bay Company's Peter
Skene
Ogden (1794-1854) theorized that the Umpqua River
might
be
the fabled Northwest Passage.
Smith, a western fur trader and
explorer,
was born in Jericho (now Bainbridge), New York, June 24, 1799,
and was
killed by Comanche Indians in the summer of 1831 while on the
way from
Saint Louis to Santa Fe. When he was 13 years old Smith obtained
a
position
on a freight boat on the Great Lakes, and when he was about 18
he was
in
Saint Louis, attracted to the fur trade. In 1826, Smith started
from
Saint
Louis with fur trader and explorer William
Henry
Ashley (1778-1838) on the first stage of what was to
be
the
first journey of a non-colored man from the Mississippi to the
Pacific
Ocean over the midland route. He traveled to Southern California
by way
of Great Salt Lake, then returned to Utah and in 1828 started
for
Northern
California and Southern Oregon. His party made its way up the
Pacific
Coast,
and reached the Umpqua, which was crossed very close to the
mouth early
on July 12, 1828. The party then made its way up the west and
the north
side of the river until the evening of July 13, where camp was
pitched
on the north bank just west of the mouth of what is now Smith
River.
Gordon's
land office survey of 1857 gives the location as about a quarter
of a
mile
west of the east line of S 26, T 21S, R 12W, or about the same
distance
southwest of what is now East Gardiner or Gardiner Junction on
the
Southern
Pacific railroad. On the morning of Monday, July 14, Indians
attacked
the
party, while Smith and two companions were away from camp. He
made his
way north to Tillamook, then to Fort Vancouver. Smith and his
two
companions
escaped toward Willamette Valley. Fifteen men were killed.380
McLoughlin
sent an expedition to secure the pelts, which he then bought
from Smith
for $20,000 with the understanding that the Yankee should
thenceforth
stay
out of Oregon. Smith eventually returned to Saint Louis and
continued
in
the fur trade until his death. He was a devout Christian, and a
reliable
geographer, and entitled to great credit for his explorations.
Although he didn't find the Northwest
Passage,
Smith's explorations were exceeded in importance only by those
of Lewis
and Clark, and the Umpqua is still one of the great fishing
streams in
the state. Zane Grey (1875-1939) avoided writing about it,
lavishing
the
publicity instead upon the Rogue to divert people from his
favorite
steelhead
spots. At any rate, Winchester Bay's Salmon Harbor marina has
given the
whole area new life in recent years, following hard times
precipitated
by the decline in timber revenues. Salmon Harbor sits at the
mouth of
the
Umpqua, one of the largest rivers between San Francisco Bay and
the
Columbia.
Winchester Bay
Winchester Bay, a town on the Umpqua
River
near its mouth, is located on the south shore of the bay, about
four
miles
southwest of Reedsport. Named for Herman Winchester of the 1850
expedition
from San Francisco, which explored the Umpqua Valley, it was
first a
trading
point called West Umpqua.
West Umpqua was the name selected for
the
community planned for the other side of the Umpqua. There was
some
development
at both Umpqua and West Umpqua, but the towns had petered out by
1867.
Winchester Bay is now primarily a
summer
resort and fishing village by the Umpqua River, about three
miles from
its mouth.
The expedition founded this community,
and
for the first few years it was the seat of Douglas County
government.
In
1854, the county seat was lost to Deer Creek (Roseburg), and
with it
went
most of the population and businesses of Winchester.
The territorial post office was moved
north
to Wilbur,
which is located on Cooper Creek, six miles north of Roseburg,
and near
Sutherlin. It is the home of the Umpqua Academy (later Wilbur
Academy),
established in 1854 by James H. Wilbur (1811-1887), DD, a
pioneer
Methodist
clergyman; it was closed in 1900. The first building was a rough
log
structure
with a few rough pine desks. Like other Oregon pioneer places of
learning,
the rules of the academy prohibited:
Profane, obscene or vulgar language or unchaste yarns or narratives, or immoral gestures or hints; any degree of tippling anywhere; any sort of night reveling.
The pupils for the academy came
from Southern Oregon, from about Jacksonville, Leland, Canyonville, Cow Creek, Lookingglass and from the northerly parts of the county, from Yoncalla, Elk Creek, and Green Valley and the classic precincts of Duck Egg, Tin Pot and Shoestring.
The community inherited the post
office,
established December 14, 1860, from the pioneer Winchester
settlement,
after the latter lost its bid to become county seat in a contest
with
Roseburg.
Curtis P. Stratton was first postmaster of the Wilbur office,
which was
discontinued November 17, 1865, and reestablished May 16, 1870.
It would be 30 years before a new
office
was established at Winchester, on October 10, 1890. Winchester
post
office,
established November 3, 1851, was located on the south bank of
the
North
Umpqua, four miles north of Roseburg.
Addison R. Flint was the first postmaster of this early office.
Winchester Bay post office was
established
February 21, 1916 with Louis A. Weeks serving as first
postmaster. It
was
designated a rural station of Reedsport on May 31, 1959.
Winchester Creek flows into Winchester
Bay,
which is home to the largest recreational salmon port on the
Oregon
Coast.
Known as Salmon Harbor, the port is located at the mouth of
Umpqua
River,
77 miles west of Roseburg.
Built in 1924, Booth Bridge connects
the
banks of North Umpqua on the old Pacific Highway at Winchester.
The
bridge
is 884 feet long and consists of seven 112-foot reinforced
concrete
spans
and five concrete approach spans. Curved decorative bracketing,
observation
balconies, and a band of dentilis (concrete block moldings under
the
cornice)
add to architectural interest of this historical bridge.
Gardiner
Gardiner
is on the north bank of the Umpqua near its mouth. It is an
historic
community
of Oregon, and bears the name of Boston merchant Gardiner Chism
who
sought
to trade on the river. His vessel, Bostonian, was wrecked at the
mouth
of the Umpqua on October 1, 1850. Most of the goods on the
vessel were
saved and moved to the location of what was subsequently the
town of
Gardiner.
The place became headquarters of the Umpqua Customs District in
1851,
with
Colin Wilson a collector. The post office of Gardiners City was
established
on June 30, 1851, with George L. Snelling first postmaster.
The current Gardiner post office,
established
August 1, 1864, is located on the northeast bank of Umpqua
River,
opposite
Cannery Island, and three miles north of Reedsport. The form
Gardiner
City
was used on October 20, 1853, which was the date that Harrison
Spicer
became
postmaster.
Fort Umpqua
Umpqua is an historic name in Oregon. It was used by the Indians to refer to the locality of the Umpqua River and came to be applied to Umpqua River.
The Hudson's Bay Company sent
expeditions
to the river in the century, and in 1828 the trapper and
explorer, J.
S.
Smith, followed the river with a party of 19 fur trappers that
were
almost
annihilated by the Indians, three men only escaping. The company
had a
trading post in the Umpqua Valley as early as 1832, probably on
Calapooya
Creek, which rises on the south slopes of Calapooya Mountains in
Douglas
County and flows through Oakland and joins the Umpqua river at
Umpqua.
It was generally called Old Fort Umpqua, a post at Umpqua City
from
1856
to 1862.
There have been several places known as
Fort Umpqua. John Work visited Umpqua River in 1834 and Fort
Umpqua,
which
was later established by the Hudson's Bay Company near the
present site
of Elkton, did not then exist. Just north of the mouth of the
Umpqua is
the site of Fort Umpqua, established July 28, 1856 by Cpt.
Joseph
Stewart,
3rd US Artillery, on a site selected by Cpt. John F. Reynolds,
3rd US
Artillery,
at the close of the Rogue River Indian War.
Not to be confused with Hudson's Bay
Company
forts of the same name, the post was one of three forts set up
to watch
over the Indians at Grand Ronde and Siletz agencies. The other
two were
Fort Yamhill and Fort Hoskins. A letter in the Bancroft Library,
University
of California, dated Umpqua City, March 20, 1862, with a
signature that
seems to be J. V. Cately, says that the post was built to
accommodate
two
companies of soldiers, but on that date had but one lieutenant
and 22
men.
The original buildings of the post
consisted
of structures from the abandoned Fort Orford. In the summer of
1862,
the
paymaster, Col. Justus Steinberger, 1st Washington Infantry,
commanding
the district of Oregon, arrived and found found all the
officers,
commissioned
and non-commissioned, stationed at the fort out on a hunting
trip. His
report of this incident, and the fact that there were no Indians
here
caused
the fort to be abandoned on July 16, 1862.
An effort was made to reestablish it,
and
Capt. J. B. Leeds was on the point of leaving San Francisco with
troops
when the order was countermanded. The old blockhouse and
soldiers'
quarters
was moved to Gardiner.
Umpqua City
In the summer of 1850 a party of
prospectors,
originally planning to visit Klamath River, explored the Umpqua
and
established
Umpqua City on August 5, 1850. The town was located about two
miles
north
of the mouth of the Umpqua, on the west bank, not far from what
is now
known as Army Hill, which is little more than an elevation of
sand.
West Umpqua was the name selected for
the
community planned for the other side of the river. There was
some
development
at both places, but the towns had petered out by 1867.
Umpqua City post office was established
on September 26, 1851, with Amos E. Rogers postmaster. Samuel S.
Mann
became
postmaster on February 24, 1852. This office may have been on
the east
side of the river when first established but in 1860 the post
office
and
community of Umpqua City were on the west side of the river
about two
miles
north of the mouth. Fort Umpqua was then at the same place. The
present
Umpqua post office is on Umpqua River near the mouth of
Calapooya Creek
and a long way from the places mentioned above.
Umpqua post office was initially
located
on the east bank of the Umpqua near its mouth, but when in 1856
a
military
reservation, Fort Umpqua, was built on the west bank, the post
office
moved
across the stream. The post office was established September 24,
1851
and
discontinued March 19, 1869. A. E. Rogers was the first
postmaster.
Umpqua Ferry was the site of an early
ferry
crossing, about seven miles west of Sutherlin. The Umpqua Ferry
was
replaced
by a bridge completed in August 1890, but old names change
slowly
sometimes,
and it was 1906 before the name of the local post office was
modified.
The post office now known as Umpqua was initially located in the
George
Shambrook homestead. Shambrook operated a general store and the
ferry,
and his son, John C. Shambrook, was the first postmaster here.
Umpqua
Ferry
post office was established March 16, 1877 and discontinued
October 4,
1906, at which time the Umpqua post office post office was
established.
Henry F. Hebard was the first postmaster.
The territorial legislature created an
Umpqua
County January 24, 1851. It ceased to exist October 16, 1862,
its area
having been added to other counties.
Lakeside
Lakeside is a small community situated near the northwest shores of Tenmile and North Tenmile lakes, seven miles south of Winchester Bay and 12 miles north of North Bend. It is along Tenmile Creek, which empties into the Pacific Ocean about ten miles south of Winchester Bay, at the mouth of the Umpqua. The creek, which is also about ten miles north of the northern bend of Coos Bay, is steeped in Oregon history. On May 5, 1864, Lt. Royal A. Bensell wrote in his Journal:
At Tenmile Creek (waist deep) the Indians wade. Miss Kitty and several of her stripe affected extreme modesty. I told them "hyac [hurry]" up and they pulled their flounces displaying "conaway squitch" to the great amusement of the guard. Some very fair legs got a good washing, a thing much needed.
The town, once a thriving resort, was
incorporated
in 1974, and had a population of about 1,615 in 1994. The post
office
was
established April 18, 1908, with Nels O. Olson serving as first
postmaster.
Lakeside still possesses a resort
atmosphere,
but the pace has slowed considerably. With the closing of its
only
remaining
sawmill, however, outdoor recreation will likely become the
area's
economic
mainstay.
Tenmile Lake was formerly known as
Johnson
Lake, and North Tenmile Lake is also known as North Lake. The
latter’s
outlet is into Tenmile Lake, which in turn drains into the ocean
through
Tenmile Creek.
Tenmile and North Tenmile lakes are
typical
lakes found in hill country. They are sprawling bodies of water
with
many
arms, bays, and coves. The two, joined by a canal at their
western
ends,
offer 42 miles of shoreline to explore by boat. The lakes are
among the
most popular on th coast for swimming, waterskiing, sailing and
fishing.
Tenmile Butte, southeast of Tenmile
Lake,
was also named for Tenmile Creek.
About halfway between Winston and Camas
Valley, there is a Tenmile post office, but it
derived its name
from the fact that an early settler who lived in Happy Valley
drove
cattle
from the valley and grazed them at the community now known as
Tenmile.
The distance was about ten miles, hence the name. William Irwin
was
first
postmaster of this pioneer office, which was established June
13, 1870
as Ten Mile. The style was changed to Tenmile on October 4,
1918.
Just north of Lakeside and east of
US-101
lies Eel
Lake. Though smaller than either of the other two,
this is
still
among the largest lakes on the coast.
Oregon's Bay Area
The towns around the harbor of Coos
Bay
refer
to themselves collectively as the "Bay Area." In contrast to its
namesake
in California, the Oregon version is not exactly the Athens of
Oregon.
Because much of this natural beauty is on the periphery of the
industrialized
core of the Bay Area, it is easy to miss.
North Bend is located at the north end
of
a peninsula around which Coos Bay bends on its way to the
Pacific. The
community has several sawmills, including the Weyerhaeuser
Timber
Company
plant on a 40-acre site, a larger plywood plant, a shipyard, and
several
fisheries and packing plants. A large fishing fleet operates
from the
local
docks.
Called Yallow by settlers in 1853, it
is
said that the name North Bend was originally applied in 1856 by
Capt.
Asa
M. Simpson, the founder of the city, and his son, Louis J.
Simpson, the
founder of Shore
Acres.
Shore Acres is located 12 miles
southwest
of Coos Bay on a 75-foot promontory. It was the former estate of
L. J.
Simpson, which began as a summer home and grew into a
three-story
mansion
complete with an indoor heated swimming pool and large ballroom.
Originally a Christmas present to his
wife,
Shore Acres became the showplace of the Oregon Coast, with
formal and
Japanese
gardens eventually added to the 743-acre estate.
After a 1921 fire, a second, smaller
incarnation
of Simpson's "shack by the beach" was built. This was acquired
by the
State
of Oregon in 1942 after it fell into disrepair. Because of the
cost of
upkeep, the latter had to be razed, but the gardens have been
maintained.
The international botanical bounty
culled
by Simpson clipper ships and schooners is still in its glory,
complemented
by award-winning roses, rhododendrons, and azaleas.
North Bend post office was established
February
27, 1872, with C. H. Merchant first postmaster. The office was
discontinued
March 20, 1874. When it was re-established November 13, 1900,
records
indicate
the name "North Branch" was originally used, but this was
changed to
"North
Bend" on December 5. The entry is believed to be an error in the
records.
A city of about 9,840 in 1994, North
Bend
was replatted as a town in 1902, and incorporated in 1903.
North Bend Station No. 1 was
established
July 1, 1963, and discontinued September 22, 1978 when the name
was
changed
to Pony Village Contract Station of North Bend. The office is
located
at
Pony Village Mall, some two miles west of the heart of North
Bend.
Empire
Formerly known as Empire City, the
town
of
Empire
is a suburban area four miles northwest of the heart of the City
of
Coos
Bay and near North Bend. Its first settlers were men from
Jacksonville,
called the Coos Bay Company and headed by Perry B. Marple, who
left the
place during the height of the local gold fever. Discovery of
gold in
Northern
California and Southwestern Oregon led to the formation of the
project,
and stock in the company was offered for sale in the Oregonian,
January
7, 1854.
Empire City was at one time the county
seat
of Coos County. A custom house was established there in 1853 for
the
southern
collection district in Oregon, with David Bushing serving as
port
collector.
Established April 30, 1858, Empire City
was the first post office in the Coos Bay region, with John J.
Jackson
serving as first postmaster. It was named with the expectation
that
this
community would become the heart of a vast region, rich in
natural
resources
and focused on an excellent port. It was located on the east
side of
Coos
Bay, four miles northwest of the heart of the City of Coos Bay.
The town soon had a lumber mill and did
considerable shipping, particularly a low grade coal that was
for a
time
mined south of Marshfield. Local trade declined as North Bend
grew in
prominence,
though Empire residents were slow to accept their fate.
Empire City post office operated with
that
name until October 20, 1894, when the title was changed to
Empire.
Chauncey
M. Byler first postmaster of the new office. The pioneer dream
of being
the hub of a vast empire had faded by this time, and the
deletion of
"City"
from the settlement's name was prudent.
One mill, however, was kept in good
condition;
during many years of idleness the machinery was greased at
intervals
and
turned over, and resumed operations during WWI. Over the years
other
industries
established themselves there, until the town achieved a position
of
prominence
in the industrial and commercial life of the Bay Area. Fish
canneries
and
a pulp mill also provided local employment. Many new homes were
built
after
WWI, and Empire had one of the area's most attractive schools.
On January 8, 1965, the city voted to
consolidate
with Coos Bay, and the name Empire, in use for over a century,
like
Marshfield,
became a thing of the past.
Cape Arago
Cape
Arago is the western point of a large headland just
south of
the
mouth of Coos Bay.

Cape Arago Lighthouse on the
Oregon
Coast
Photo
Courtesy of Julie Hendricks
Coos Head, the point on the south side of the entrance to Coos Bay, extends northward from Cape Arago, but is much lower than the main part of the cape.
Cpt. James Cook sighted it on March 12,
1778,
and
named it Cape Gregory for the saint of that day. although that
name did
not stick, it is perpetuated by Gregory Point.
Since 1850, this cape has been called
Cape
Arago, and is officially so known by the USBGN. Dominique
Francois Jean
Arago (1786-1853) was a great French physicist and geographer.
He was
the
intimate of Alexander von Humboldt (1769-1859), and his
friendship with
Humboldt "lasted over forty years without a single cloud ever
having
troubled
it."
The name Cape Arago first appeared on
the
USC & GS chart prepared by W. P. McArthur in 1850, and
issued the
following
year. It seems apparent that McArthur applied the name Arago as
the
result
of the naming of Humboldt Bay, California, which took place
about the
same
time. Humbolt Bay was named in 1850 during the visit of a
company of
miners
styled the Laura Virginia company or association. A. J. Bledsoe,
in
Indian
Wars of the Northwest, gives an account of the exploration of
the Laura
Virginia expedition in the ship Laura Virginia, and he says that
Humboldt
Bay was named at the solicitation of a member of the party who
was an
admirer
of the great scientist. Elsewhere it is reported that the name
was
selected
by Lt. Douglass Ottinger, captain of the Laura Virginia, but
this does
not agree with Bledsoe.
McArthur visited Humboldt Bay and
mapped
it in 1850 and a few weeks later charted Port Orford which he
named
Ewing
Harbor for his Coast Survey schooner, Ewing. He charted the
vicinity of
Cape Arago shortly after leaving Ewing Harbor. It seems obvious
that
the
well-known friendship between Arago and Humboldt suggested the
name for
the cape.
Between Coos Head and the west point of
Cape Arago is the Cape Arago Lighthouse, a well-known landmark
12 miles
southwest of North Bend and Coos Bay off US-101. The lighthouse
stands
100 feet above the Pacific Ocean on islet just off Gregory
Point, the
northwest
promontory of Cape Arago, 2.5 miles southwest of the entrance to
Coos
Bay.
The light atop the 44-foot-high tower was first illuminated in
1934.
Although
newest in terms of service, earlier structures were built on
this site
in 1866 and 1908. Both succumbed to weather and erosion. This
lighthouse
also has a fog horn. Sailors can identify its unique sound.
The community of Arago is some 18 miles
to the northwest of the lighthouse. and about six miles south of
the
town
of Coquille.
Ms. T. P. Hanley of Bandon said that Arago was named by her
father, the
late Henry Schroeder, of the cape. The Arago post office was
established
April 7, 1886. William H. Schroeder was first postmaster of this
office,
which was not named for a racehorse, as is sometimes asserted.
The
community
was formerly called Halls Prairie, but postal authorities
rejected a
name
of two words. On February 28, 1959, the Arago office was
designated a
rural
station of Myrtle Point.
Coos Bay
Coos
Bay, like Lincoln City, is a
consolidated
community. As the result of votes at two city elections held
November 7
and December 28, 1944, the name of the community of Marshfield
was
changed
to Coos Bay, thus doing away with a geographic title that had
been in
use
for 90 years.
On January 8, 1965, the City of Empire
also
voted to consolidate with Coos Bay, and the name Empire, in use
for
over
a century, like Marshfield, became a thing of the past.

Empire is a suburban area four miles
northwest
of the heart of the City of Coos Bay and near North Bend. Its
first
settlers
were Jacksonville men, called the Coos Bay Company and headed by
Perry
B. Marple, who left the place during the height of the local
gold
fever.
Discovery of gold in Northern California and Southwestern Oregon
led to
the formation of the project, and stock in the company was
offered for
sale in the Oregonian, January 7, 1854.
Empire City was formerly county seat of
Coos County. A custom house was established there in 1853 for
the
Southern
Collection District in Oregon, with David Bushing port
collector.
Established April 30, 1858, Empire City
was the first post office in the Coos Bay region, with John J.
Jackson
serving as first postmaster. It was named with the expectation
that
this
community would become the heart of a vast region, rich in
natural
resources
and focused on an excellent port. It was located on the east
side of
Coos
Bay, four miles northwest of the heart of the City of Coos Bay.
The town soon had a lumber mill and did
considerable shipping, particularly a low grade coal that was
for a
time
mined south of Marshfield. Local trade declined as North Bend
grew in
prominence,
though Empire residents were slow to accept their fate.
Empire City post office operated with
that
name until October 20, 1894, when the title was changed to
Empire.
Chauncey
M. Byler first postmaster of the new office. The pioneer dream
of being
the hub of a vast empire had faded by this time, and the
deletion of
"City"
from the settlement's name was prudent.
One mill, however, was kept in good
condition;
during many years of idleness the machinery was greased at
intervals
and
turned over, and resumed operations during WWI. Over the years
other
industries
established themselves there, until the town achieved a position
of
prominence
in the industrial and commercial life of the Bay Area. Fish
canneries
and
a pulp mill also provided local employment. Many new homes were
built
after
WWI, and Empire had one of the area's most attractive schools.
Eastside
Located on the southeast shore of Coos
Bay,
just east of the City of Coos Bay, Eastside was at one time the
terminal
of the old Coos Bay Military Wagon Road. The post office,
formerly
known
as East Marshfield, was established January 14, 1908, with
William J.
LaPalme
first postmaster. The post office was designated a rural station
of
Coos
Bay on August 31, 1957, and in 1983 Eastside merged with and is
now a
part
of the City of Coos Bay.
The earlier East Marshfield post office
was established September 28, 1891 with Charles J. Bishop was
first
postmaster.
The office was discontinued August 30, 1919, and re-established
December
9, 1907.
Marshfield
Marshfield
was located on the west shore of Coos Bay near the mouth of Isthmus
Slough. The name was transferred from Marshfield,
Massachusetts,
by early settlers.
The first cabin in the area was built
by
a trapper called Tolman in 1853. In the following year he left
and a
retired
seaman, Capt. George Hamilton, move in. Hamilton, following the
wilderness
custom, took an Indian woman for a wife and managed to subsist
without
neighbors until the arrival of John and George Pershbaker a few
years
later.
George Pershbaker provided stock for a
trading
post to meet the needs of men arriving to work in the shipyards
John
Pershbaker
had established. Pershbaker's first boat was a tug, the Escot;
later
his
plant built the schooners Staghound, Louise Morrison, Ivanhoe,
and
Annie
Stauffer, and the barkentine Amelia.
The Marshfield post office established
June
22, 1871, with Andrew Nashburg first postmaster.
But the population still grew very
slowly;
in 1884 it still had only about 800 people. In addition to its
isolation,
one factor that hindered the growth was the type of ground on
which the
town had been founded and from which it had taken its name.
The Lynching of Alonzo Tucker 1906
African-Americans were unequivocally
not
wanted in Oregon. Some, nevertheless, persisted quietly and
settled in
the state. The 1850 Census reported in the entire Pacific
Northwest
either
54 or 56. The 1860 Census identified 124 blacks and mulattos, a
tiny
fraction
of the more than 52,000 residents enumerated. Those who settled
in
Oregon
too risks, but they had known prejudice and discrimination far
worse in
other parts of the country. Sometimes, however, racial episodes
erupted.
These occurred sporadically in several parts of the state over a
period
of 70 years.
By 1890, the black population of Coos
County
was 36. Most worked for the local railroad or at the Beaver Hill
and
Libby
coal mines. Recruited in West Virginia, they had emigrated
across the
country
and walked through the Coast Range from Roseburg to the Lower
Coquille
River, only to find that they and their families were expected
to live
in leaking boxcars. The men had to work in the deep shafts
reaching
below
sea level for 90 cents a day. When they complained, they were
accused
of
fomenting labor strife and compelled to leave.
Alonzo Tucker was an African-American
who
worked as a bootblack and operator of a gym in Marshfield. In
1906
dubious
charges of rape were leveled against him by a non-colored woman.
When a
mob of 200 armed men marched on the jail, the marshal freed
Tucker, who
hid beneath a dock. He was twice shot the next morning and then
hanged
from the Fourth Street Bridge by a mob that had grown to more
than 300.
The coroner's inquest found no fault; the victim, the report
said, had
died of asphyxiation. No indictments were brought. The local
paper
observed
that the lynch mob was "quiet and orderly" and that the
vigilante
proceeding
was no "unnecessary disturbance of the peace." In 1907 the
Marshfield
School
Board instituted segregated education, alleging that the four
African-American
students "will materially retard the progress of the 500 white
children."
In 1908 lumber interests decided to
overcome
the natural handicaps of the townsite where they were erecting a
mill
and
started dredging operations to deepen the channel through the
crooked
bay
and to use the silt removed from the channel to raise the town
land.
Still
growth was slow.
Then came WWI with its enormous demands
for spruce to be used in construction of the new fighting
craft—the
airplanes.
The Southern Pacific tracks were hastily extended southward to
the Coos
Bay towns and on up into forests.
The boom economy was reflected in the
need
for an additional post office, and Marshfield Station No. 1,
located at
298 Front Street, was established February 1, 1916 to meet the
needs of
the area's postal customers. That contract station was, however,
discontinued
on March 31, 1929.
During the war years Coos Bay
mushroomed
into a city whose streets on Saturday were filled with
hard-drinking,
exuberant
lumberjacks, and roistering ship-loaders. After the war,
activity
lessened
but did not die, and the town settled down to a more solid kind
of
development.
A fire in 1922 swept away three blocks of old business buildings
and
many
jerrybuilt affairs constructed during the boom; though this was
considered
a disaster at the time, it was probably a blessing because the
buildings
that replaced those that had burned were more modern and of
better
construction.
The Marshfield post office was renamed
Coos
Bay on February 15, 1945.
Coos City
Coos City, one of the early post
offices
of Coos County, was established June 25, 1873, with Henry A.
Coston
first
postmaster. The office continued in service until March 18,
1884. It
was
situated on Isthmus Slough about five miles south of Marshfield
as it
was
then known. There is little left of the community, but the name
is
retained
by the Coos City Bridge. An important road turned eastward at
this
point
headed to Roseburg.
The recorded myths of the Coos add
interest
to many features in the region. Perhaps the blue-flowered camas
marks
the
spot where Night Rainbow and her young grandson defied the great
Grizzly
Bear, their persecutor, and slew him. Another tells of the Great
Fire
Wind
which drove the Coos into the sea to escape its consuming heat.
Coos River
Coos River was located about six miles
east
of Marshfield near the junction of the Coos and Millicoma
rivers.
Millicoma River is the main north
branch
of Coos River and is sometimes called North Fork Coos River,
although
the
USBGN has adopted the style Millicoma. In 1929 S. B. Cartwright,
pioneer
surveyor of Coos County, said that Millicoma was the original
Coos name
for the stream, but the meaning of the word is unknown.
Named for the stream nearby, Coos
River,
established March 7, 1863, was the third post office in Coos
County.
Amos
C. Rogers and Frank W. Bridges, well-known pioneer settlers in
the
area,
served as the first two postmaster. Rogers was the first
postmaster of
this early office, which was discontinued September 20, 1864.
The
office
was re-established February 10, 1873, with Bridges taking over
as
postmaster,
and permanently closed its doors on September 24, 1875. The
original
spelling
of this post office, "Coose," followed a form popular at the
time. Some
maps of this era even show the name of the river as "Goose."
Cooston
Cooston
is on the the east shore of Coos Bay, almost directly opposite
North
Bend,
and its origin is the same of that as Coos County, created
December 22,
1853, by the territorial legislature.
The county was originally formed from
the
west parts of Umpqua and Jackson counties. Coos is an Indian
name of a
native tribe who lived in the vicinity of Coos Bay. the name is
first
mentioned
by Lewis and Clark, who spell it Cook-koo-oose. The explorers
heard the
name among the Clatsop Indians. Alexander R. McLeod in his
journal of
1828
gives the name Cahoose; Slacum, in his report of 1837, gives the
name
of
Coos River Cowis; Wilkes, in Western America, spells it Cowes.
The
spelling
has been variously Koo'as, Kowes, Koos, Coose, and finally Coos.
One Indian meaning of Coos is "lake,"
another,
"place of pines." Perry B. Marple, who began exploring Coos Bay
in
1853,
spelled the word Coose in 1902, and said sit was an Indian
perversion
of
the English word "coast," meaning a place where ships can land.
Another
version is that the Indian word was made to resemble the name of
a
county
in New Hampshire.
The Coos were of the Kusan family,
formerly
living at Coos Bay. Lewis and Clark estimated there population
at 1500
in 1805. The name is often used as synonymous with the family
name.
Hale,
in US Exploring Expedition, Ethnology and Philology, gives the
name as
Kwokwoos and Kaus; Parrish, in Indian Affairs Report for 1854,
gives
Co-ose.
Coos County has an area of 1586 square
miles.
In 1844, Duflot
de
Mofras got off the prize pun in the history of
Oregon
geographic
names when he published his work Exploration du Territoire de
l'Oregon.
He called Coos River la riviere aux Vaches, or Cows River,
apparently
after
talking to some of the Scots employed by the Hudson's Bay
Company.
The Cooston post office was established
May 13, 1908, and the first postmaster was William E. Homme, who
named
the place. The office closed to North Bend on July 15, 1939.
Siamese Twins
The modern-day City of Coos Bay, with
its
Siamese twin North Bend share a common boundary and, in places,
are
impossible
to distinguish, creating one metropolitan area—the largest on
the
Oregon
Coast. The twin cities are connected by the mile-long McCullough
steel
bridge with deco-style spires at the entrance. It's is the only
place
where
buildings rise to five or six stories, and where the feeling is
unreconstructedly
working class. Together with Charleston, the tri-cities compose
what
has
come to be known as "Oregon's Bay Area," a small-scale
megalopolis.
Ironically, though, the area's greatest
asset and most obvious feature is often ignored by visitors and
residents
alike—the bay itself. Coos Bay is the largest deepwater port
between
San
Francisco and Puget Sound, and exports more timber than any
other port
in the world, much of it now wood chips headed to Japanese paper
mills.
The Lower Coos River is lined with smokestacks, big mounds of
wood
chips,
and warehouses. It's a busy waterway for foreign and domestic
shipping
but it is also a fisherman and small boater's delight. Clammers
and
crabbers
walk the beaches.
Coos Bay is noted for its Empire clams,
which sometimes weigh four or five pounds each. The large necks
of
these
clams can be split into sections after scraping off the rough
outer
skin;
the sections are then well pounded, dipped in seasoned flour or
cornmeal,
and fried to a crisp brown.
The Indian method of making clam
chowder
was to soak the clams overnight in a freshwater stream, and then
throw
them into a hollowed log containing water heated to the boiling
point
by
hot stones. After they had opened, the clams were scraped from
their
shells
and replaced in the water, together with chunks of jerked or
smoked
venison,
dried wild onions, and Wapato roots that the squaws had gathered
in dry
lake beds.
Coos Bay is also a sprawling estuary,
rich
in marine wildlife, and a great place to enjoy a variety of
water
sports
and activities.
In 1998, the town received national
attention
from Time magazine in its "Banned in the USA" article: "Hey,
Happy
Fourth
of July! Sure, it's a free country, but sometimes there oughta
be a law
against laws. Some don't, sensible to silly, from around the
nation. In
Coos Bay, "no possession of paint, ink or chalk with intent to
apply
graffiti
is allowed."
Charleston
Charleston is located at the mouth of
South
Slough on Coos Bay, about six miles southwest of North Bend.
David A.
Jones
was first postmaster of the Charleston post office, established
February
24, 1924. The office was named for early pioneer Charles
Haskell, who
settled
at the mouth of South Slough in 1853. On September 30, 1959,
Charleston
was designated a rural station of Coos Bay.
At Charleston
are canneries, fish-processing plants, boat building and repair
facilities,
and one of the largest commercial fishing fleets on the Oregon
Coast.
The
area is also popular with sport fishermen, crabbers, and clam
diggers.
One of the best-kept secrets in Oregon
is
the Coast Guard lookout at Charleston, which commands the best
view of
the bay, jetties, and Coos Bay Bar—a place to watch fishing
boats and
freighters
come and go.
South Slough Estuarine Preserve
To many people, an estuary is just a
place
where you get stuck in the mud. More often than not, however,
the
interface
of fresh water and salt water represents one of the richest
ecosystems
on earth, capable of producing five times more plant material
than a
cornfield
of comparable size while supporting great numbers of fish and
wildlife.
The South Slough of Coos Bay is the largest such web of life on
the
Oregon
Coast.
Experienced canoeists can, with a
little
planning, use the slough's tides to travel north, towards
Charleston
and
the Pacific Ocean, with the outgoing tide and return to the
launch site
as the tide comes back in. When the tide's out, perch, salmon,
and
crabs
feed on the clams, shrimp, and worms that live buried in the
mud.
Farther
up the slough's narrow tributaries, narrow channels of water
reach into
agricultural flats and yield broad, low views of fields and
fringes of
forests.
Trails pass through coastal forest and
19th
Century logging sites down to a boardwalk through a swamp and a
salt
marsh.
Coos Bay was once strewn with such marshes, but they've largely
been
diked
and turned into "productive" land.
Confederated Tribes of Coos, Lower Umpqua and Siuslaw
The term "aboriginal territory" refers to the area occupied by Indian Nations prior to European settlement. The aboriginal territory of the Confederated Tribes of Coos, Lower Umpqua (Kuitsh) and Siuslaw Indians covers 1.6 million acres in Coos, Douglas and Lane counties (roughly between Florence and Coos Bay), reaching inland to the crest of the Coast Range. Today, the confederation administers services in this area as part of a five-county service district for tribal members. Land issues are being jointly addressed by the federal government and the tribes.
Early Culture: 1200 BCE
Archaeological digs document tribal
occupation
of the area as far back as 3,200 years ago. It is suspected by
archaeologists
that occupation of the area actually goes much farther back.
No one knows for sure how many Indians
lived
on Coos Bay, but it was a popular and populated area that was
also
visited
regularly by Indians that normally resided further inland. The
best
estimates
are that 1,500 to 2,000 Kusan lived in plank houses along the
bay shore
in as many as 40 or 50 villages.
In early times, the confederation
mirrored
the life ways common along the entire Northwest Coast of North
America.
The Coos, Lower Umpqua (Kuitsh) and Siuslaw lived closely and
harmoniously
with the land. They relied on the estuary to provide most of
their
necessities.
They were hunters and gatherers, harvesting vast quantities of
salmon
and
other fish, shellfish, and marine mammals from the bay and its
many
tributaries.
In the bordering forests, meadows, and marshes they hunted deer
and
waterfowl,
pit-trapped elk, picked berries, and harvested edible plants.
They
gathered
reeds and grasses to make mats and baskets. They utilized the
resources
of the cedar tree to fashion clothing, dugout canoes and built
their
plank
houses and huts.
Because of the rich bounty of the bay
and
adjacent lands, the Kusan were a self-sufficient people who
lived in
relative
peace and tranquility. Possessing a stratified society, they
were
variously
described as robust and healthy in appearance, good-natured and
generous
in demeanor. And why shouldn't they have been? Theirs was a
temperate
paradise.
The Hanis,
located on Coos River and Coos Bay, formed one dialectic group
of the
Kusan
linguistic family, the other being Miluk. Those who spoke Miluk
lived near Lower Coquille River. It is probable that this stock
was
connected
with the Yakonan. Mooney (1928) estimated that the Hanis and the
Miluk
together numbered 2,000 in 1780. In 1805 Lewis and Clark
estimated
1,500
Hanis. The 1910 Census returned 93 for the entire stock and the
1930
Census
returned 107, while, again for the stock, the US Office of
Indian
Affairs
reported 55 in 1937.
During the centuries preceding American
expansion and pioneer settlement of the western frontier, there
was no
written record of Indian life along the Oregon Coast. Much of
what we
know
is pieced together from various sources, augmented by the lore
Indians
passed on verbally from one generation to the next. For the time
being,
we have to fill in the blanks with reasoned assumptions.
British and American fur traders were
probably
the first to make regular contacts with Indians of Oregon’s
south
coast.
We know, for example, that Alexander McLeod of the Hudson's Bay
Company
explored the south coast, including Coos Bay, in 1926 and 1827.
In 1828, the Jedediah Smith expedition
reached
the south coast and camped at various spots near and on Coos
Bay:
Whiskey
Run on July 3, Cape Arago on July 4, Shore Acres on July 5,
Sunset Bay
on July 6 and 7, Charleston on July 8, Lower Coos Bay near
Empire on
July
9, and the North Spit on July 10.
Of course, none of these places went by
those names then. There was no community called Empire, and in
place of
Charleston, as we know it today, was a large Indian
village—probably
the
largest on the bay.
The Lower Umpqua (Kuitsh) attacked and
wiped
out Smith's exploring party at the mouth of the Umpqua, leaving
only
three
survivors. Around the same time the Siuslaw destroyed a
Chinookan
slaving
expedition.
On June 30, 1851, a bedraggled band of
nine
white men, fleeing from Ewing Harbor (now Port Orford) and a
skirmish
at
Battle
Rock, broke through the brush on Lower Coos Bay to
be greeted
by
local Indians. John Kirkpatrick, leader of the band, later
described
the
Indians as friendly, generous, and hospitable hosts—a report
that’s
consistent
with those of the early explorers and traders.
Early tribal members depended heavily
on
fishing and berry gathering for subsistence. The fern
digging-stick was
used to gather fern and other roots. Chisels made of elk horn or
hard
gravel/stone
were used to cut or pry wood for building plank-slab houses. The
bow
and
arrow was used for hunting. Needles were made of hard arrow wood
or
deer
ribs and used in mat-making.
To make fire, a hole was bored in a dry
piece of willow and dry bark or roots were placed inside.
Friction from
rotating a hard arrow in the hole caused the materials to
ignite,
causing
the willow wood to catch fire.
Bretz said that two beachcombing
Siuslaw
inspired the name for the City of Florence:
Two beachcombing Siuslaw found a piece
of
flotsam. Intrigued by the printing on the board, they took the
slab of
wood to the owner of the town's hotel. Seeing the name on the
board,
the
owner hung the shingle over the hotel entrance.
And as the legend tells, this
burgeoning
community astride Central Oregon's Siuslaw River was named for a
piece
of flotsam from the wreckage of the ship Florence. The Indian
name
Osceola
passed into history.
The tribes used wealth as an arbiter of social distinction and political power, yet possessed an atomized society wherein village autonomy prevailed. The Spirit Quest was a rite of passage for most boys and many girls, and enabled tribal members to come to terms with nature and spiritual values. The tribes had a rich, oral literature and a clear cosmology. They maintained peaceful relations with whites during the fur trade, early settlement, and even the Rogue River wars of the 1850s.
Confederation Formed 1855
The Coos, Lower Umpqua (Kuitsh) and
Siuslaw
were linked by the BIA as a confederation in 1855 when they were
removed
to reservations.
Bretz wrote that the Siuslaw roamed
freely
in the area until 1852:
That year the Indians signed an agreement with the US government, giving the tribe a reservation of 2.5 million acres of heavily timbered land.
He wrote that at that time, the Siuslaw, numbering about 3,000, were decimated by a smallpox epidemic in 1872:
There were less than 400 members of the tribe remaining after that devastating epidemic, the size of the reservation was reduced. The Indians were offered a homestead of 160 acres around Siuslaw River, or a place on the reservation.
In 1916, The tribes established a formal, elected tribal government, which they have continuously maintained.
Confederation Terminated 1954-1984
In 1954, the Confederated Tribes of
Coos,
Lower Umpqua and Siuslaw were terminated by the federal
government
under
the Western Oregon Termination Act. As the result of several
years of
effort,
The tribes were afforded federal recognition in 1984.
Today, the Confederated Tribes enjoy a
government-to-government
relationship with the US, and are recognized as a sovereign
Indian
nation.
The seat of tribal government is Coos Bay, where the tribes
maintain a
6.12 acre reservation, held in trust status by the US
government. The
current
tribal government consists of at tribal council and chief. The
tribal
administrator
and staff conduct day to day business for the confederation.
The Confederated Tribes of Coos, Lower
Umpqua
and Siuslaw is in the planning stages with the US Bureau of Land
Management,
the US Coast Guard, and Oregon State Parks on a major
interpretive
center
for the Oregon Coast.
Coquille River Valley
The rivers that discharge into the
Pacific
along the Southern Oregon Coast are placid and bucolic, with
tidewater
often stretching inland for many miles. One of the most
beautiful is
the
Coquille, which meanders through a wide, pasture-covered valley.
Highway
42-S skirts along the south side of the river, passing through
the tiny
hamlet of Riverton, a former river port located on the south
bank of
Coquille
River, about 12 miles east of Bandon. Riverton was a trade
center of
farmers
who specialize in pea-raising. The pea-raising farms are
recognized by
their vine covered trellises. The post office was established
June 30,
1890, with Orlando A. Kelly first postmaster. The Riverton
office was
discontinued
November 25, 1903, and re-established September 15, 1906. On May
26,
1961,
Riverton was designated a rural station of Coquille, and was
discontinued
permanently on July 21, 1973.

Coquille
River
Lighthouse 1960
Photo
Courtesy of Julie
Hendricks
Parkersburgh
The remnants of Parkersburgh are
across a
meadow on the south bank of the Coquille near the mouth of Bear
Creek.
This place, about three miles east of Bandon, was once a rival
of other
Coos County ports. Lumber mills were opened here in 1867-1868,
then
shipyards
to build schooners to carry timber to market. Parkersburgh post
office
was established August 30, 1877 with Meldon L. Hanscom serving
as first
postmaster. The office was named for Capt. Judah Parker, who
built a
sawmill
here in 1876. A salmon cannery, built in 1885, brought added
prosperity
but was burned some years later. Then lumber traffic was
diverted to
deeper
waters and the town died. On March 15, 1919, the Parkersburgh
office
closed
to Bandon.
A few miles from the coast, the weather
changes abruptly; marine fogs simply don't penetrate very far
inland.
Early
mornings find the quiet river broken with the wakes of a dozen
skiffs;
fishermen are out trolling for salmon. This is dairy country;
the milk
is condensed and then shipped to Oakland,
where Safeway turns it into ice cream.
Coquille
Coquille,
the seat of Coos County, is as pretty a village as you are
likely to
find.
For many years this coastal town of 4,000 was the head of
navigation
for
river boats. On their regular runs clumsy old sternwheelers
packed with
merchandise and lively with the shouts of laborers, paddled up
the
wharves.
But construction of the modern highway destroyed the picturesque
character
of the town, which desires to look as much like other towns as
possible.
Coquille post office was established
July
1, 1870. Titus B. Willard was first postmaster of this office,
located
on the Coquille near the mouth of Cunningham Creek, and about 17
miles
south of Coos Bay.
The Coquille Valley Art Center and a
new
golf course suggest that perhaps this valley is becoming a
retirement
center,
but there is a plywood plant here, too, and the fellows you see
on the
street or downing a beer in a bar are likely to be wearing the
traditional
dress of the logger or forester—blue jeans, a vertical-striped
cotton
shirt,
and wide red suspenders.
In the 1960s, the movie theater closed
and
people were wondering what to do with their evenings. So the
Spouse of
a local physician, a woman still quick on her feet, set about
creating
a song-and-dance company that has amused summer audiences ever
since.
Every
Saturday night, from Memorial Day to Labor Day, the Sawdust
theater
puts
on a "melodrama with olio;" patrons hiss the villain and cheer
on the
hero,
all the while enjoying a beer and clapping to the beat of the
can can
dancers.
Coquille is a French word meaning
"small
shell." Soquel appears in the Oregonian, January 7, 1854, in an
advertisement
of the Coos Bay Company. The name is there said to be Indian for
"eel."
Coquette appears on a map of John B. Preston, surveyor-general
of
Oregon,
1851, probably intended for Coquille. It appears Coquille in
Preston's
map of 1856. French-Canadian fur traders may have left the form
of the
name among the Indians. Capt. W. V. Tichenor in Pioneer History
of Coos
and Curry Counties, says the Indian name of this stream was
Nes-sa-til-cut,
but gives no further information. In an article in the Coos Bay
Times,
November 29, 1943, Mary M. Randleman, Coos County pioneer, says
the
word
is of Indian origin and cites a number of early uses of the
style
Coquelle
and Coquel. The Handbook of American Indians lists the Mishikhwutmetunne
Indians, who lived along the Coquille River, and says that the
Chetco
name
for some of these Indians was Ku-kwil-tunne, and Kiguel in a
form
listed
as being used as early as 1846. This seems to indicate an Indian
origin
of the name. On October 25, 1938, the Oregonian printed on its
editorial
page an interesting letter from Sam Van Pelt, an aged Indian
living at
Brookings, who recounted the difficulties of spelling Indian
names with
"English" letters. "Coquilth" was the result of his efforts to
produce
the correct sound, but no interpretation of the word was
furnished.
The Coquille: Images of the People
Before Europeans came, the Coquille River area was the traditional homeland of the Coquille. Like other Native Americans who lived along Oregon's coast, they were nurtured by the land and the water. The ocean, bay and rivers provided an abundance of food, as did the forests, meadows, and valleys.
The Setting
Along the Southern Oregon Coast, which
excites
the tourist while it repels the sailor, Coos Bay stands out as a
potential
haven. Opening the land to the sea, the Bay unlocks the
resources of
the
ocean for the land dweller, and makes the land approachable to
seafarers.
Thus it became an attractive port to Europeans and their
descendants in
the 1850s and invited immigrants into the entire south coast.
At Bandon, 20 miles south of Coos Bay,
the
mouth of the Coquille River empties into the Pacific.
Surrounding it is
the traditional home of the Coquille—a complex set of waterways
which
dominate
an area of approximately 200 square miles. The area includes
bays,
inlets,
sloughs, rivers, creeks, and lakes. Also of importance are
beaches,
small
valleys, meadows, rugged bluffs, and parts of the Coast Range.
Plants and animals were important to
the
ancient Coquille. Aquatic environments provided many varieties
of
animals
such as fish, clams, oysters, seals, sea lions, and birds. Deer,
elk,
bear,
and many smaller mammals were important terrestrial resources.
Vegetation
was used, too. Seaweed, salal, and many types of berries, as
well as
trees,
were part of the inventory. Collectively, the area and its
resources
provided
food, medicine, clothing, and tools for their way of life.
Uniquely,
the
land, water, and the Coquille people were but one.
The People and Their Past
Information regarding the traditional
lifestyle
of the Coquille, as well as other clans along the Oregon Coast,
is
sparse.
Yet, from existing evidence and comparison with people in
similar
environments,
we are able to portray important aspects of this culture.
For example, Indians on the Southern
Oregon
Coast built two basic types of houses. For their permanent
winter
villages
they dug foundations several feet into the ground and erected
houses of
cedar planks. In the summer temporary conical huts of grass and
tree
fibers
on pole frames were built during hunting and foraging trips.
The Coquille had many devices for
capturing
game. Traditionally, salmon were captured by baskets or by nets.
Although
fish were cooked in a variety of ways, baking pits dug into the
sand
were
quite popular. First, a pit was dug and a fire built in it. When
the
wood
was hot, sand was added until it was well heated. The sand and
wood
layering
continued and on the next day hot rocks were added to a second
pit. In
that pit a whole salmon, covered with mud and wrapped in
seaweed, was
baked
with the hot sand as a cover. Seasoning included camas, skunk
cabbage
and
other seafoods.
Other material aspects of culture were
baskets,
leather clothing, tools for capturing and preparing game,
canoes, and
bows
which were made of yew wood with buckskin for the bow string.
Information
regarding religion, social and political organization, community
life,
crafts, and other features has not been recorded, too.
Coquille "Barriers to Development"
The area's natural resources were
attractive
to non-indian settlers. Besides the abundant food supplies,
gold, coal,
and timber were stimulus for settlement and development. During
the
early
1850s the potential for Coos Bay as a major port between San
Francisco
and Portland was realized. The discovery of gold and coal
attracted
miners,
farmers, merchants, and those who would settle the area. The
Donation
Land
Act of 1850 provided additional stimulus to immigrants.
Shortly after 1850 towns and
communities
emerged along the Southern Oregon Coast. Because the Coquille
and other
Coastal Indians were perceived as "barriers to development,"
action was
promptly taken to remove them from their homelands. In the
mid-1850s
the
Coquille deeded lands to the government and many were taken to
reservations.
Here some starved, and others were exposed to diseases which
were new
to
them. Yet many survived and returned to the new cities built
upon their
former lands.
The People and Their Plants
Although radical changes occurred in
Coquille
culture, extinction was not achieved, for the heritage was
preserved by
descendants.
In their myths and legends, Coquilles
wove
the knowledge of their plants, animals, and other natural
resources.
Plants
provided food and were used in medicine, technology, and crafts.
The
collection
of plants also tells us about their social organization. Many
plants
were
simply eaten fresh. Others were processed so they might be
stored
during
winter months. Those which were stored were first steamed to
prevent
spoilage,
and then dried.
Many species of plants were harvested,
including
the following:
• Cattail (Typha latifolia): Cattail rhizomes, the plant's underground stems, were eaten fresh, and also were processed for storage. Mixed with lard, cattail down was applied to burns.
• Western Red Cedar (Thuja plicata): Western Red cedar was an especially versatile resource. Fresh cut boughs, both aromatic and insect repellent, were used with deerskin as a floor covering. The rain repellent bark provided an exterior for winter homes and burial wrappings. Western Red cedar possesses a natural antibiotic which may have aided basket and canoe makers who worked with its fibers.
• Oregon Grape (Berberis spp.): The Oregon Grape roots, sometimes called "old people's medicine," was boiled in water to produce a tonic claimed to purify the blood.
• Skunk Cabbage (Lysichitum americanum): This plant was used for a variety of purposes, primarily medicinal. For example, leaves were rubbed on the skin to ward off mosquitoes, and the application of the juice from fresh crushed leaves soothed poison oak infections.
Literally hundreds of plants existed in the Coquille's inventory. Many were used individually, others collectively for special purposes. Information on the role of plants in Coquille culture has been primarily revealed through their oral tradition, and much has been forgotten. Still, the oral tradition of these people embodies their way of life, including their cosmology, or world view.
The Coquille and Their Stories
Stories of Coyote, the Trickster who
transformed
the world and made it fit for human habitation, are told by
Coquilles
and
by many other Amerindian tribes. But the stories are unique in
each
area
for they identify local places and tell how they came to be as
they
are.
For example, Coyote's ravenous romping across the south coast
was said
to have distributed wild strawberries and other berries which
the
Coquille
depended on, in fresh or dried form, throughout the year.
Coyote, who
originally
was a super-human person, unified the human, the natural, and
the
supernatural
realms. His lust for life and adventure frequently got him into
trouble
and also made exciting tales for the long winter nights. To
punish
Coyote
for his deceptions, his son threw a skins over the old man's
back and
made
him go henceforth on all four as a coyote.
Many stories, such as the following,
which
Wilfred Wasson tells, have a beautiful simplicity:
The World Maker made the world and sent four sounds around the world. Then he went away and never bothered anybody again. In the beginning there wasn't any beach, and so the tides and waves would come inland, and they were always disturbing the people. And so someone—I think it was Coyote—wove a mat, and then the waves and tides couldn't come through. That became the beach.
The Coquille in the 20th Century
After an initial experience with
reservation
life in the mid-19th Century, many Coquille returned to their
homeland.
Where their villages once stood there now were towns, mines, and
farms.
Where the camas had grown, there were now farmers' fields.
Forests were
being cut. But the people, too, had changed, and not by choice.
The old way of life was not workable in
the new cultural world, but It was not forgotten. In the 1980s
the
Coquille
are working to preserve their culture. More than a tribe, they
are a
family,
held together by a knowledge of their heritage and their
ancestors.
The Coquille are typical of many
indigenous
clans in Oregon, such as the Kalapuya,
who were thought to be extinct. Not so. Remnants of their
culture
remain
and are nourished as they pass from generation to generation.
Myrtle Point
Myrtle
Point is located about nine miles south of Coquille
on Coquille
River. The early history of the town is given by Orvil Dodge in
his
History
of Coos and Curry Counties. It was a natural rendezvous of the
Indians.
Henry Myers laid out the town about 1861 and named it
Meyersville. It
remained
a paper community until 1866 when Christian Lehnherr bought the
property,
and built a small flour mill. He named the place Ott in
compliment to
an
old friend and his son. Lehnherr became the first postmaster on
August
27, 1872. Binger Hermann and Edward Bender became interested in
the
townsite,
incorporated in 1887, and suggested the name be changed to
Myrtle
Point.
Postal records show that the name of the Ott post office was
changed to
Myrtle Point on December 29, 1876. Bender was first postmaster
of the
Myrtle
Point office. There are numerous groves of Oregon myrtle in this
area,
and in fact this has been designated part of Oregon's Myrtle
Corridor
from
Coos Bay to Roseburg.
This Oregon or Coos Bay myrtle is the
same
as California laurel (Umbellularia californica). It is an
evergreen
tree,
distinguished by a strong camphor odor. In favorable conditions
it
grows
80 feet high and four feet in diameter. In the dense forest it
grows
with
a clean straight trunk, but elsewhere and most commonly it has a
thick
trunk and large low limbs. Its range in Oregon is in the Coast
Range
and
Siskiyou
Mountains. It has a beautiful grain and excels as a
cabinet and
finishing wood. Myrtle grows extensively in Southwest Oregon.
The Oregon Connection
Myrtle wood carving of bowls, clocks,
tables,
and other utensils, is an Oregon folk art with a long history,
that is
still carried on today at the Oregon Connection in Coos Bay.
In 1869, the golden spike marking the
completion
of the nation's first transcontinental railroad was driven into
a
highly
polished myrtle wood tie. Novelist Jack London was so taken by
the
beauty
of the wood's swirling grain that he ordered an entire suite of
furniture.
Hudson's Bay trappers used myrtle wood leaves to brew tea as a
remedy
for
chills.
During the Depression years, the City
of
North Bend issued myrtle wood coins after the only bank in town
failed.
The coins ranged from 50 cents to $10 and are still
redeemable—though
they
are worth far more as collector items.
Bandon
Bandon, located 24 miles south of Coos
Bay,
is a community on the south side of the mouth of Coquille River.
The
town,
which is near the site of an Amerindian village, was first
called The
Ferry
and then Averill. Lord George Bennett, an Irish nobleman, who
settled
here
in 1873, finally gave the place the name of his native town, Bandon,
on Bandon River, County Cork, Ireland. Bennett married Katherine
Ann
Scott
Harrison, and three children were born to them, two of whom were
prominent
citizens of Coos County. He imported the Irish furze, that in
early
spring
yellows the sand hills along the highway southward; a thorny
shrub, its
pea-like flowers have an odor similar to that of coconut oil.

An Englishman, William Davidson, known
locally
as Billy Buckhorn, is said to have been the first resident.
Bandon post
office was established September 12, 1877, with John Lewis first
of a
long
line of postmasters.
This Oregon community, sometimes called
Bandon-By-The-Sea, could as fittingly be called Phoenix. Like
the
mythical
bird, Bandon has twice risen from its own ashes after fire
consumed it.
In 1914, a fire left a large part of
downtown
Bandon a smoldering heap. Then on September 26, 1936, fire again
swept
through the town. This time nearly 2,000 residents were
evacuated, and
Bandon was reduced to charred rubble. An abandoned lighthouse at
the
south
end of Coquille River was one of the few structures left
standing after
the fire.
On that "Black Saturday" the hope that
Bandon
would become the most prominent port between Portland and San
Francisco
was forever dashed.
Reconstruction was begun in 1938 with
federal
aid and on plans prepared by the Oregon State Planning Board,
which
provided
for a better arrangement of facilities, wide streets,
recreational
areas,
and better educational facilities. Trees and grasses were
planted on
the
burned over environs and the design of business structures was
controlled.
The long-term result was the emergence of a seaside hamlet with
a
relaxed
pace and innate charm neither Portland nor San Francisco could
even
remotely
approximate.
In recent years the travel industry has
gained importance in Bandon, and the town has grown and
improved,
attracting
a lively lot of artists and artisans. More than three dozen
artists
live
and work in the area. The city also has enough cowboy
philosophers,
yarn-spinning
old salts, mystics, and iconoclasts to keep things interesting.
Bandon Bogs
Reddish-tinged ground in
flood-irrigated
fields come into view from the vantage point of US-101 between
Port
Orford
and ten miles north of Bandon. A closer look reveals,
cranberries,
small
evergreens that creep along the ground and send out runners that
take
root.
Along the runners, upright branches six to eight inches long are
formed,
on which pink flowers and fruits develop.
These berries are cultivated in bogs to
satisfy their tremendous need for water and to protect them
against
insects
and winter cold. Bandon leads Oregon in this crop, with an
output
ranking
third in the nation. Oregon berries are often used in juice
production
by Ocean Spray because of their deep red pigment and high
vitamin C
content.
The Bandon crop could well take on a higher profile nationally
due to
the
nationwide demise of wild bees (over 90 percent have been
killed) who
are
the principal cranberry pollinators. On the Oregon Coast,
domestic bees
have taken up the breach left in the wake of their winged
counterparts
killed by a European mite infestation.
Oregon bogs were producing wild
cranberries
when Lewis and Clark first traded with the Indians for them in
1805.
Shortly
thereafter, cultivated bogs were developed in Massachusetts,
which like
in Oregon had acid soils with lots of organic materials
conducive to
berry
production. By the California goldrush of 1849, East Coast
growing and
harvesting techniques had transformed Bandon’s marshes into
commercial
cranberry bogs. In the years to come, much of the modern
equipment for
harvesting these bogs was developed in Bandon. Wet-picking, for
instance,
is facilitated by the water reel, which is rotated to create
eddies on
the bog to shake berries off the vines. After they float to the
surface,
the cranberries are pushed by long booms toward the submerged
hopper.
They
are then transferred by conveyer belt onto trucks. Walking
through the
bogs without trampling the berries is made possible by fastening
wooden
platforms with short pegs to the soles of boots.
Without such innovations, Thanksgiving
dinner
wouldn't be the same. In order to bring the enormous annual
volume of
cranberries
to the dinner table for the holidays, all these harvesting
techniques
as
well as processing and packaging technology are called into
play.
Bandon Cheese
The history of Bandon
Cheese began with the development of pasture lands
during the
1880s
which lead to the advance of dairy farming in Southern Oregon.
Few good
roads existed in the area so milk was transported from Coquille
River
dairy
farms to the original Bandon Cheese and Produce Company by
sternwheeler
river boat.
Bandon Cheese is one of the few
remaining
cheese plants that at one time thrived along the Oregon Coast.
It is
because
of the unique flavor and the recognized legendary quality of the
product
that the company still in business today.
The process begins with the daily
pickup
of fresh whole milk from local dairy farms. The milk is
pasteurized and
pumped into long stainless steel vats. Special culture is added
and
allowed
to properly develop. When the desired acidity is achieved,
enzymes are
added in order to coagulate the milk. Wire knives (harps) are
pulled
through
the pudding like milk which forms the curd. Immediately the curd
begins
to separate from they whey. The curds are then stirred and
slowly
cooked
until firm.
After cooking, the whey is drained and
the
important "hand cheddaring" process begins, setting Bandon
products
apart
from other Cheddar cheese on the market. The curd soon begins to
mat
and
is hand cut into large slabs. The slabs are turned over and
stacked
several
times.
Hand stacking is the critical
cheddaring
process which compresses the whey out of the curd and gives
Bandon
Cheese
its unique flavor and texture.
When the culture has reached its
optimum
growth level the slabs of cheddared, curd are sent through
shredders
(mills),
salted, and placed in 40-pound hoops to be pressed overnight.
The
cheese
goes into cold storage and a controlled aging process begins.
Bandon Cheese is aged a minimum of 60
days
for medium and at least nine months for sharp. Each vat may vary
just a
bit. Some may take a little longer in order to reach the desired
level
of flavors and texture for which the company become known.
The company still maintains that
producing
fine cheese is an art and cannot be short-cut.
Coquille River Lighthouse
One of the most prominent Bandon
landmarks
is the Coquille River Lighthouse.
Coquille
River Lighthouse is located at Bullards Beach on the
north bank
of the Coquille River entrance. It was commissioned in 1886 to
guide
mariners
across a dangerous bar. It was decommissioned in 1939 following
improvements
to the river channel and the installation of other navigational
aids.
The
squat but attractive lighthouse was restored in 1979 as an
interpretive
center, and is kept in good repair. Its solar-powered system
operates
an
ornamental light atop the 47-foot octagonal tower. The
lighthouse
stands
in a highly-rated wildlife viewing area.

Coquille
River
Boats 1940
Photo
Courtesy of Julie
Hendricks
Sixes
The town of Sixes
was
named for the nearby Sixes River, which was in turn was named by
miners
of the Southern Oregon goldrush with a corruption of the Chinook
jargon
salutation, Klahowya Sikhs. Volume I of the Handbook of American
Indians,
under the heading Kwatami,
a subdivision of the Tututni, lists a number of alternative
forms of
the
tribe name, but the form of spelling, "Sixes," was used as early
as
October
1855.
The Kwatami or Quatama, occupied three
settlements.
The principle village was situated on Sixes Creek just north of
Cape
Blanco.
In 1861, the tribe was later located on the Siletz Reservation,
and
consisted
of 32 men, 41 women, and 53 children.
The earliest Sixes post office,
established
February 13, 1888, was not located on Sixes River, but on Elk
River
about
five miles east of Port Orford. Newton Divilbiss was the first
postmaster.
That office was discontinued August 24, 1889, and when it was
reopened
May 18, 1905, it was located near its present site; the crossing
of
Sixes
River by US-101.
Sixes River, after which the settlement
was named, is an important stream flowing into the Pacific Ocean
just
north
of Cape Blanco (42° 50' 14"), and draining a considerable
part of
Northern
Curry County. L. B. Sprugeon, postmaster at Sixes office in
1926, wrote
that it was named for a local chief, Sixes William, who died in
1894,
and
is buried in the Lower Siletz Area Cemetery. George Davidson, in
the
Coast
Pilot for 1869, had a different history of the name and says
that in
1851
it was usually called Sikhs River. On some maps he found the
name of a
stream in that locality shown as Sequalchin River.
The Indian village on Sikhs River was
known
as Te-cheh-kutt. Capt. W. V. Tichenor, in Pioneer History of
Coos and
Curry
Counties, says the Indian name of Sixes River was Sa-qua-mi Les.
Along the upper waters of the Sixes,
which
is teeming with steelhead, are some gold deposits and in the
early days
black sands near its mouth yielded considerable dust to diligent
panners.
Cape Blanco
In 1602, Sebastian
Vizcaino (1550-1616) sailed from Acapulco at the
head of an
exploring
expedition, and after one of his ships had turned back to
Monterey,
Vizcaino
in his ship and Martin de Aguilar in a fragata, left Monterey on
January
3, 1603, sailing northward. During a storm the two ships
separated and
Vizcaino sailed up the coast alone, reaching a point which he
named
Cape
San Sebastian on January 20. He returned to Acapulco without
meeting
the
fragata. In the meantime de Aguilar also sailed northward, and
he
records
that on January 19 he reached the 43rd parallel, and found a
point
which
his pilot, Flores, named Cape
Blanco, because of its chalky
appearance.
North of the cape he reported a large river. Here he turned
back. Most
of the crew of the fragata, including de Aguilar, died on the
way to
Acapulco.
H. R. Wagner in Cartography of the Northwest Coast of America,
Volume
I,
describes this voyage and calls attention to the fact that Cape
Blanco
was mentioned in the instructions, so that name was already in
use
before
1602. The recorded latitudes of this expedition are too great
and there
is nothing to show that the members ever reached the coast of
Oregon or
saw what is now Cape Blanco. The large Heceta-Bodega map
prepared as a
result of the 1775 expedition refers to this point as Cabo
Diligensias.
Bodega was off the cape September 27, 1775. On March 12, 1778,
Capt.
James
Cook (1728-1799) writes of his discovery of Cape Arago (43°
18'
29"),
which he called Cape Gregory, and stated that he thought he
observed
the
Cape Blanco of de Aguilar in proximity. He was too far away to
see the
mouth of Coos Bay. On April 24, 1792, Capt. George Vancouver
(1757-1798)
sighted what we now know as Cape Blanco, and named it Cape
Orford in
honor
of George, Earl of Orford (1720-1791), his "much respected
friend."
George,
third Earl of Orford was the grandson of Sir
Robert Walpole (1676-1745), first Earl of Orford and
was the
nephew
of the fourth Earl of Orford, the famous Horace Walpole
(1717-1797).
Vancouver
determined its latitude at 42• 52', very nearly its true
position.
There
was some speculation on Vancouver's ship as to whether or not it
was
the
Cape Blanco of de Aguilar, but the position and its dark color
"did not
seem to entitle it to the appellation of Cape Blanco." Vancouver
brings
up the matter again in his Voyage of Discovery in the latter
part of
the
entry for April 25. He passed and identified Cape Gregory (now
Cape
Arago)
of Capt. Cook, and made reasonably accurate determination of its
latitude,
through he noted the difference between his figures and Cook's.
There
was
no other important point and he said: "This induced me to
consider the
above point as the Cape Gregory of Capt. Cook, with a
probability of
its
being also the Cape Blanco of de Aguilar, if land hereabouts the
latter
ever saw." Vancouver finished his observations for the day by
expressing
a doubt that Cook saw Cape Blanco or any other cape south of
Cape
Gregory
on March 27, 1778, and stated that it was fair to presume that
what
Cook
saw was an inland mountain. Notwithstanding all these facts the
name
Cape
Blanco has persisted for the most western cape of Oregon, even
though
it
may not have originally been applied to it, and Vancouver's name
Cape
Orford
has fallen into disuse.

Beach at
Port
Orford on the Oregon Coast Highway
Photo
Courtesy of Julie
Hendricks
Cape Blanco Lighthouse
Built on 47.7 acres of land, Cape
Blanco
Lighthouse towers above the western-most point in Oregon, nine
miles
north
of Port Orford off US-101.
A two family dwelling was built for
keepers
quarters, with fireplaces in each room for heat. Several small
buildings
were constructed to house oil and other necessities. Most
materials
used
for construction were shipped in, however, the bricks were made
locally.
Lt. Col. R. S. Williamson was the engineer of record, he
rejected
nearly
20,000 of the 200,000 bricks as inferior. Finally, the light
station
was
completed and H. Burnap was hired as the first keeper. On the
even of
December
20, 1890 the Fresnel lens shown forth for the first time. Total
cost
for
the station, $100,000.
French physicist Augustin
Jean
Fresnel (1788-1826) made the greatest stride in
lighthouse
technology when he invented his optic system. Fresnel's system
uses
prisms
to focus the light lost above and below the light source, back
into a
single
beam of light. The light is focused through the center of the
lens or
"bullseye"
creating a highly visible beam of light.
Fresnel investigated polarized light
with
another French physicist, Dominique Francois Jean Arago
(1786-1853),
for
whom Cape Arago is named.

This isolated lighthouse holds at least
four Oregon records: it is the oldest continuously operating
light; the
most westward point in Oregon; the highest above sea level (the
cliff
top
location is 245 feet above sea level; the conical tower is
similar to
Yaquina
Head, but rises just 59 feet); and Oregon's first woman keeper,
Mabel
F.
Bretherton, signed on in 1903.
Cape Blanco's history is full of
shipwrecks
and lives saved. One notable shipwreck was of the J. A. Chanslor
(an
oil
tanker) in 1919. Of the 30 passengers, only three survived the
collision
with an offshore rock.
Langlois
Langlois
is located near Floras Creek, a well-known stream in the north
end of
the
county, flowing into the Pacific Ocean, some six miles north of
Cape
Blanco.
A dairyman's trade town, the place was named for the Langlois
family
which
had for many years been prominent in Curry County. William V.
Langlois
was born on the Island of Guernsey, English Channel, and came to
Curry
County in 1854. His wife was Mary A. King.
In the early days two cooperages plants
supplied nearby towns with tubs for preserving fish. Later two
sawmills
appeared and are still operating.
Langlois post office was established
April
4, 1881, with Frank M. Langlois first postmaster. The name of
the post
office was changed to Denmark on March 28, 1882, and the
Langlois
office
was reestablished on July 21, 1887.
A number of their children have been
prominent
in Curry County affairs. Their son, James Langlois, and James
Hughes
were
Cape Blanco's most distinguished lightkeepers.
Hughes was the second son of Jane and
Patrick
Hughes, whose 2,000 acre ranch bordered the Light Station
property.
Cape Blanco Catholic Church
Over lupine-covered hills, in a thicket of rhododendrons and azaleas, are the ruins of Cape Blanco Catholic Church. Bats cling to the altar and the glass in the pointed window frames is shattered. By the walk is the flower-matted grave of Patrick Hughes, founder of the parish and builder of the church.
Sunset to Sunrise
Both men served at Cape Blanco,
Langlois
42 years and Hughes at least 33 years. Their job included
keeping the
light
working from sunset to sunrise. Langlois and Hughes, along with
many
others,
diligently kept the lamps clean, and the huge Fresnel lens
polished.
The original Cape Blanco lens was a
first
order, fixed, Fresnel lens (non-rotating). The lens probably had
drum-shaped
panels to provide the steady beam of white light that was Cape
Blanco's
signal, according to the 1900 Light List (Light Lists were
published so
mariners could identify the lights and their signals).
Sometime after the 1911 Light List was
published,
Cape Blanco's signal changed. The new signal provided flashes of
light,
instead of a steady beam. The change was accomplished by using a
clockwork
system that lowered a shield around the light source at
intervals to
provide
the flash. This change added "winding the clockworks" the
keepers list
of duties.
In late 1935, or early 1936, the
lighthouse
was electrified and the actual lens was replaced with an
eight-sided,
rotating
new lens in France by Henry
LePaute. The new lens coupled with the speed as it
turned,
provided
a flash of light every 20 seconds.
The second lens is listed on various
light
lists as both a first order and a second order lens, "orders"
being a
size
classification. Cape Blanco's lens measures 4' 8" in diameter
and 6' 8"
tall. It is larger than a second order (4' 7" by 6' 10") lens.
We do
not
know what happened to the original lens after it was shipped to
the
Tongue
Point Depot by way of the steamer Manzanita.
A 1,000 watt incandescent bulb,
replaces
Cape Blanco's soot-producing oil lamps of old. Gone are the
keepers who
spent hours polishing the magnificent lens and winding the
clockworks.
Today, it rotates with the help of a 120 volt, 75 RPM electric
motor,
specially
manufactured for lighthouse duty. The electrified light flashes
its
230,000
candlepower beam 1.8 seconds bright (flash) every 18.2 seconds.
Sea Otters
A colony of sea otters, peering out
from
above the whitecaps about 200 yards offshore, can be sighted
down on
the
beach below Cape Blanco. The progenitors of this colony were
transported
here courtesy of the Atomic Energy Commission in 1970. At that
time, a
planned bomb test in the Aleutians compelled the AEC to move 95
of
these
animals to this area. In addition to Cape Blanco, they've been
sighted
south of Port Orford.
Between 1775 and 1823, over 100,000 sea
otters were killed for their pelts, many along the Oregon Coast.
They
became
the frivolous trappings of royalty, selling in Paris for as much
as
$1,000
a piece. After sea otters were declared extinct south of the
Aleutians
in 1911, they became a protected species.
The first accounts of the plunder of
the
sea otter should have brought about their protection long before
the
20th
century. An early as 19th Century Spanish journal described the
colony
off Monterey, California as playful and intelligent. It detailed
how a
typical otter would dive hundreds of feet down to pull an
abalone off a
rock; would reemerge on the surface on its back, shell in paw;
and
then,
using its belly for a table, would crack the shell open with a
rock.
In addition to the Spanish chronicler's
fascination with otter dining behavior, he noted another
human-like
trait
when a mother sea otter was observed putting her infant in a
cradle of
kelp. The account went on to describe the mother's reaction upon
returning
with food and finding her offspring missing; she emitted
human-like
cries
of grief for days on end, eventually starving herself to death.
Port Orford
Situated on a craggy marine terrace
above
a protected harbor, Port Orford, located 54 miles north of the
California-Oregon
state line, is the westernmost incorporated city in the
continuous US.
In recent years this rambling village has suffered the same
financial
woes
that have befallen many coastal communities, whose economies
have
depended
primarily upon timber and commercial fishing. Port Orford has
been
slower
than most to recover.
Port Orford's harbor is a coastal cove,
not an estuary, so vessels have no river bar to cross. In calm
weather
come commercial boats, sport craft, and sailing vessels anchor
in the
scenic
cove. Most boats, however, rest in unusual berths at this unique
waterfront;
there are no customary docks, floats, or moorage slips. Instead,
boats
are cradled on rubber-tired dollies atop a large wharf and are
launched
and retrieved by a hoist capable of handling vessels up to 42
feet long
and weighing up to 26,000 pounds.
Depending on the time of the year,
commercial
boats return to port with catches of salmon, black cod (sable
fish),
bottom
fish, shrimp, or crab. Recently Port Orford has also become the
center
of Oregon's sea urchin fishery.
In the timber world the Port Orford
vicinity
is well known for a beautiful tree bearing the same name. Port
Orford
cedar
is an aromatic, straight-grained tree, native to a small local
range.
The
durable wood has seen a number of uses over the years, from
Indians'
canoes
and dwellings to battery separators, venetian-blind slats, house
siding,
and decking.
The tree's beauty, ironically, may lead
to its eventual extinction. The attractive cedars have been
cultured in
nurseries and used as ornamentals for more than 65 years. A root
fungus,
once confined to nurseries, has now spread to the forests and is
attacking
trees throughout their range. Only the discovery of a way to
combat the
spreading fungus will save the rest of these exquisite trees
from
extinction.
Captain William V. Tichenor 1851
Capt. William V. Tichenor, who founded
the
town of Port Orford in 1851, was born at Newark, New Jersey, in
1813.
In
1843 he settled in Illinois and in 1848 was elected state
senator from
Edgar County. In 1849 he started for California and engaged in
the sea
trade. In 1851 he commanded the steamer Sea Gull, one of the
first in
the
San Francisco-Columbia River trade. He lost the steamer at
Humbolt Bay
on January 22, 1852, but saved the lives of all on board and was
given
a gold watch for heroism. He brought is family there the
following May.
He gave up sea life in 1868 and settled down at his home in Port
Orford. He died in San Francisco
July 28,
1887, and was buried in the family cemetery at Port Orford. He
was a
public
spirited and highly respected citizen of Southwest Oregon.
In June 1851, Tichenor endeavored to
establish
a commercial enterprise at Port Orford. He engaged J. M.
Kirkpatrick
and
a number of others to go to Port Orford where the party was
landed and
provisioned on what is now known as Battle Rock. The party was
besieged
by Indians and an actual battle was fought on June 10, 1851, at
which
time
17 Coquille were killed, mostly by fire from a small cannon.
Kirkpatrick
and his party finally succeeded in stealing away from the rock
after
several
days' siege and made their way north along the coast until they
reached
settlements of the whites. When Tichenor's representative
returned by
sea
he found the contingent gone and assumed it had been killed by
the
Indians.
Robert H. Ruby and John A. Brown
reflected
on the incident:
Along the Southern Oregon Coast the confrontations continued. At dawn on June 10, 1851, Indians gathered for a war dance to ready themselves to challenge party of whites who had landed with cannon the previous day at Battle Rock at Port Orford. The whites were from the ship Sea Gull, under Captain William V. Tichenor. They had come to lay out a townsite and search eastward through the Coast Range. After the ship sailed off, the Indians attacked those who had disembarked, firing arrows at them on the rocks. Most of the missiles passed over the heads of the settlers. The Indians then rushed the rocky beachhead on which the tiny party held its ground. After a brief skirmish, in which 20 Coquille were reported killed, the Indians retreated to plan a counterattack. Some days later they returned, reinforced in numbers and harangue from Chief John, they broke into a prolonged yell and then swarmed down the bank, across the beach and up a narrow path to the driftwood breastworks. The whites fired their cannon into the breastworks, forcing the natives to retreat. From behind the rocks and trees the Indians arched their arrows into Battle Rock. During the night the whites stole away, eventually reaching Willamette River.
Battle Rock Myth Exposed 1997
Some of the signs at Oregon state parks are wrong. At Port Orford, a historical marker at Battle Rock tells of “heroic” non-indian squatters fending off a vicious Indian attack. Louis A. McArthur (1883-1951) perpetuates the myth:
Battle Rock is at the shoreline of Port Orford and is a massive black of rock standing well above the water. In June 1851, Captain William V. Tichenor, who commanded the steamer, Sea Gull, operating between the Columbia and San Francisco, endeavored to establish a commercial enterprise at Port Orford. His party was besieged by Indians and an actual battle was fought on June 10, 1851, at which time 17 Indians were killed, mostly by fire from a small cannon.
It didn't happen that way, according
to
records
recently uncovered by University of Oregon students at the
Smithsonian
Institution and the National Archives in Washington DC.
More than 60,000 forgotten government
papers
were unearthed as part of the Southwestern Oregon Research
Project
(SWORP)
begun in 1995 by George Wasson, a University of Oregon graduate
student
in anthropology. The project was a cooperative venture between
the
Coquille
Nation, the University of Oregon, and the Smithsonian.
Wasson, a Coquille, had hoped to find
confirmation
of an oral tribal history that was quite different from the
written
history
of the tribe's first meeting with whites. Joined by fellow
University
of
Oregon students and Coquille tribal members Denni Mitchell,
Jason
Younker,
and Shirod Younker, Wasson examined government records, maps,
treaties,
letters, and diaries of enlisted soldiers and government agents.
What they found confirmed tribal tales
of
brutal treatment by white gold diggers and land grabbers on the
Oregon
Coast. "The history books tell a different story than what is
passed
down
from your elders," says Jason Younker, a graduate student in
archaeology.
“We went to Washington DC to confirm what we knew in our
hearts.”
Their first order of business was to
obtain
copies of the documents and donate them to the University of
Oregon
Knight
Library, where they will be available to scholars and
historians.
Further copies were also presented to
leaders
of six coastal tribes at a "potlatch," or Indian gift-giving
ceremony,
during the Indian literature conference at the University of
Oregon
this
past spring. The potlatch was the largest gathering of coastal
tribes
in
more than 150 years.
The Southwestern Oregon Research
Project
uncovered more than anyone expected, but researchers agree that
there
is
much more hidden in the boxes and microfilm in
Washington—particularly
concerning events after the federal government forced the tribes
onto a
reservation at Yachats in the mid-1880s.
The original project didn't cover the
reservation
years, says Steadman Upham, University of Oregon vice provost
for
research
and dean of the University of Oregon Graduate School. "The
University
is
very open to extending SWORP to document that important period
in
Northwest
history."
And the historical marker at Port
Orford?
It's being changed.
Prehistoric Rain Garden
Midway between historic Port Orford
and
Gold
Beach is the Prehistoric
Rain Garden, one of the most
unusual
attractions
in the world. This is the rain forest that recreated a world of
lifesize
replicas of dinosaurs and other prehistoric animals among
profusely
growing,
primitive plants. One is transported back in time by strolling
among
the
luxuriant ferns and moss covered trees and following the weird
forms of
animal life that disappeared from the earth over 70 million
years ago.
Rain forests are located in small
coastal
valley pockets, surrounded by hills, and protected from fierce
winter
storms.
The climate must be mild, few winds, rich soil, and
exceptionally heavy
rainfall (six to ten feet per year). This brings about the super
growing,
giant, lush undercover of skunk cabbages with elephant ear
tropical
leaves,
trees that live for hundreds of years, and innumerable mosses
and ferns
cascading from the trees. Rain forests range from Northern
California
to
British Columbia but few are accessible on a main highway as is
this
one.
Ophir
About 16 miles south of Port Orford is
the
little town of Ophir,
situated on US-101, just south of the mouth of Euchre Creek.
Euchre Creek takes its name from the
Tututni
band Yukicketunne. The name indicates "people at the mouth of
the
river."
The Handbook of American Indians, among others, gives the
following
forms
of the name: Euchees, Eucher, Euchre, Eu-qua-chee, Euchres and
Yoquichacs.
George Davidson, in the Coast Pilot, refers to the stream as
Ukah Creek
for the U-kahtan-nae tribe. Miners applied the corruption Euchre
Creek
in the early 1850s, apparently influenced by the name of an
historic
card
game played nearby by cowboys in pioneer days. Developed in
1841,
euchre
is a card game in which each player is dealt five cards and the
player
making trump must take three tricks to win a hand. Euchre Butte
in Lake
County, a prominent mountain north of Lake Abert, is also said
to have
been so named because of the game. Davidson says that the Euchre
Creek
was also called Savage Creek, but the name is not explained and
has not
persisted.
Accurate information about the name of
Euchre
Mountain seems hard to obtain, but it is generally believed that
the
word
“euchre” was also used by pioneer surveyors as a approximation
of the
Indian
name of the “mountain.” Perhaps it was a skookum place. The USGS
gives
the height of Euchre Mountain as 2,452 feet. The late Robert L.
Benson
suggested to in 1977 that the name might be another of the
transplanted
names that accompanied the Southern Oregon Indians exiled to the
Grand
Ronde and Siletz reservations. In the old cowboy card game, the
player
who is euchred is prevented from winning three tricks, and the
word
gradually
took on the meaning of "trick" and "cheat" By way of extension,
the
Southern
Oregon Indians were definitely euchred out of their land and
culture.
The Euchring of Euchre Bill
The euchring of Euchre Bill further
illustrates
this intriguing play on words, brought on by a careless
Caucasian
corruption.
Indian juries, who were selected by
agents
to assist the Indians often sent to the Skookum House, or jail,
Indians
violating their own traditional codes or those that the agents
sought
for
them. One graphic example of differing Indian-white codes
sending a red
offender to the place of incarceration occurred on the Siletz
Reservation:
overreacting to the sanguine admission of Euchre Bill that he
had eaten
the heart of a fallen white foe, the agent physically assaulted
him
before
confinement. From agents, Indians received more orthodox
punishment in
the form of whipping—the practice employed by fur traders and
even
missionaries.
Ophir: The Source of Fine Gold
Ophir post office, named for a
mysterious
region in Southern Arabia from whence the products of India were
brought
to the West, was established on June 5, 1891, with Elizabeth J.
Burrow
first postmaster. The name calls attention to the gold-bearing
black
sands
of the Southern Oregon Coast.
A region celebrated for its
proverbially
fine gold and almug trees, Ophir first appears in historical
narrative
during the United Monarchy as the source of the 3,000 talents of
fine
gold
left by David for the temple (I Chr. 29:4). It was also the
place from
which a fleet of ships, built by Solomon at Ezion-geber and
manned by
Phoenicians
and Israelites, brought 420 talents of gold, silver, almug
trees,
precious
stones, ivory, and two kinds of monkeys to Israel (I Kings 9:28;
10:11=II
Chr. 8:18; 9:10).
In the ninth century, Jehoshaphat
attempted
to duplicate Solomon's expeditions to Ophir, but his ships were
broken
up at Ezion-geber before setting sail (I Kings 22:48—H 22:49).
Ophir is also mentioned in an
inscription
on a shard found at Tell Qasileh, probably biblical Aphek. The
inscription,
which is attributed to the 8th Century BC, reads: "Gold of Ophir
for
[or
belonging to] Beth-horon, 30 shekels." This is the first
nonbiblical
mention
of Ophir discovered to date.
The fame of Ophir's gold is also
mentioned
in poetic and prophetic passages as a symbol of greatest
opulence (Job
22:24; 28:16; Ps. 45:9—H 45:10; Isa. 13:12).
The location of Ophir has been much
disputed;
it has been variously placed in India, Arabia, and Africa.
The region of Somaliland, with a
possible
extension to the neighboring coast of Southern Arabia, is the
most
probable
identification of Ophir as yet proposed. The products of Ophir
(I Kings
9:28; 10:11) are the same as those of the Egyptian Punt, and
included
such
characteristic African products as gold, silver, ivory, and two
kinds
of
monkeys. it is likely that Ophir and Punt were in the same
general
Egyptian
reliefs which portray an African culture and environment and
list
imported
products such as myrrh trees, which in Africa grow only in this
region.
Thus it is quite probable that Ophir was in this same region.
The voyage to Ophir is said to have
required
three years, which probably meant one full year and parts of two
others,
according to Semitic reckoning. The fleet would leave
Ezion-geber in
the
late autumn of one year, call at Ophir and possibly other ports
en
route
as well during the second year, and return to Ezion-geber in the
spring
of the third year. Such voyages to a region no more distant than
Ophir
were quite possible, since we have numerous records of Egyptian
voyages
to Punt from the Fifth Dynasty through the period of the New
Kingdom.
Gold Beach
We pass through rugged headlands and
bluffs
rising straight from the seas as we drive back from Brookings to
Gold
Beach.
This is the home of some of the most rugged and wild of Oregon's
coastal
scenery. The road dips and climbs and curves and climbs again...
We
glimpse
a small group of sea lions frolicking in their habitat, and
enjoy the
salty
fragrance of the ocean, the cool breeze, and surf-washed
coastline.
Wynne
Gibson

Gold
Beach on
the Oregon Coast
Photo
Courtesy of Julie
Hendricks
Gold Beach, a picturesque village at
the
mouth of Rouge River, was once a crossroads of a sort.
Orientals,
Indians
and adventurers gathered at the log cabin saloon that was also
the
county
courthouse in the 1850 when gold was discovered in the sands of
Curry
County
beaches. They were the scene of operations of hundreds of placer
miners
in pioneer days. Floodwaters swept the beach clean of gold in
1861,
though
upstream mining continued for years.
This particular beach was at the mouth
of
Rogue River, and the settlement there was for some years known
as
Ellensburg,
but it is said that there was confusion with Ellensburg, in
Washington
Territory, and the name was changed to Gold Beach. The name
Ellensburg
was derived from Sarah Ellen Tichenor, daughter of Capt. W. V.
Tichenor.
H. H. Bancroft and Frances Fuller
Victor
both refer to the fact that the settlement at the mouth of Rogue
River
was once known as Whaleshead, but some say that is a mistake.
What is
now
known as Whaleshead Island is some distance south of Gold Beach.
Sebastopol
was also one of the early names for the place.
In the 19th Century, trappers, miners,
and
homesteaders came to the Rogue, followed by loggers and
ranchers.
Although
they ultimately settled the land, they never tamed the river.
If it weren't for the Rogue, Gold Beach
would have disappeared as quickly as they found gold in its
sands.
Gold Beach post office was established
March
25, 1890. Charles Dewey was first postmaster of this office,
located on
the south bank of Rogue River at its mouth.
Mail boats started making the upstream
trip
to Agness
in
1895,
when it took several days of rowing to travel 32 miles upstream
from
Gold
Beach; now, jet boats shoot upriver in tow hours.

The broad, uncrowded beaches, stretching
north and south from the mouth of the Rogue, attract whale
watchers,
beachcombers,
clam diggers, kite fliers, hikers, surf fishermen, and wind
surfers—and
prophets.
In March 1997, Gold Beach, located 37
miles
north of the California-Oregon state line, gained international
recognition
following the Heaven's Gate suicides in Southern California:
Some followers of Heaven's Gate embarked on a bus trip to Santa Rosa, California, and to Gold Beach, Oregon, the place where cult leader Marshall Applewhite first found his calling in the wilderness. They continued on to Ashland, Oregon, and Sacramento, California, running up more than $2,000 in hotel bills.
There's Gold in Them Thar Hills
Geologists estimate that the
prospectors
of the 1850s and commercial mining operations that followed
found only
25 percent of Oregon's potential take. With the wild gyrations
of the
timber-dependent
economy, and gold fetching several hundred dollars a troy ounce,
it's
not
wonder that many out-of-work loggers and other people have taken
to
gold
panning in the waterways of Southern Oregon.
Almost all streams in Coos, Curry,
Douglas,
and Jackson counties are good sources of color. "Color" referred
to the
flecks and bright chips of metal sometimes called gold dust;
larger
odd-shaped
lumps of gold are nuggets. The gold originally comes from veins
in the
mountains, where it is washed out by winter whether. Spring
floods and
heavy rains carry the gold downstream. The density of gold
causes it to
settle in obstructions (like moss), in quiet water behind
boulders, or
at the base of waterfalls. These deposits of gold can vary from
fine
gold
flecks to a bonanza of nuggets.
Samuel H. Boardman State Park
Samuel
H. Boardman (1874-1953) was no park builder, but he
personally
carried out the acquisition of nearly 56,000 acres of Oregon
park land
in the 1930s and 1940s.
Boardman was born in Lowell,
Massachusetts,
and for some years followed the construction and engineering
business.
In 1903, while stationed at Leadville, Colorado, he became
interested
in
the Pacific Northwest and came to Oregon. He got a job with A.
M. Drake
at Bend, but on the way to Central Oregon, he ran into smallpox
at Shaniko,
and lost interest in the Deschutes country. He returned to
Portland,
and
in the same year he filed on a homestead where the town of
Boardman is
now situated. For 13 years the Boardmans snuffed sand and worked
to
develop
irrigated land. At odd times he was engaged in railroad and
highway
construction
and his Spouse taught school to help with the expenses. The town
of
Boardman
was platted in 1916. S. H. Boardman was continually interested
in the
phenomena
of nature, and as a result of employment by the Oregon State
Highway
Department
in 1916, he put his attention to roadside improvement and state
park
development.
As Oregon’s first state park engineer,
Boardman
delegated
much of the day-to-day administration of his agency so he could
concentrate
on negotiating for land to build up the parks system. Under his
administration,
Oregon park acreage went from 4,000 to nearly 60,000. In many
cases,
Boardman
was able to persuade land owners to donate their property to the
parks
department. Locally, these negotiations resulted in parks or
waysides
at
the Devil's Punch Bowl, South Beach, Otter Crest, Yachats and
Newport.
Despite his accomplishments, he probably would have been
insulted if
someone
had called him a park builder.
Boardman was actually anti-park, at
least
in the way most of us think when we visit the state picnic areas
and
campgrounds
that dot the Oregon Coast. He believed unquestionably that the
honor of
park builder belonged to god, or as he referred to his deity,
"The
Great
Architect."
Philosophically, Boardman was perhaps
more
in line with the modern-day Nature Conservancy. Instead of
building
campgrounds,
Boardman believed that Oregon’s park department should be
dedicated to
acquiring land for preservation. He saw no need to build
campsites
complete
with fire boxes and picnic tables because they would only
detract from
the work of the greatest park builder of all.
Toward the end of his tenure, Boardman
began
to yield to pressure from the public and federal park agencies.
Shortly
after Boardman's 1950 retirement, the Oregon State Parks
Department
opened
its first overnight campground at Silver Creek Falls.
Boardman's position was assumed by his
assistant,
Chester H. Armstrong.
When Armstrong assumed the reins of the
parks department, the agency's resources were shifted from
acquiring
land
for preservation to developing parks—most notably, campgrounds.
Armstrong
surveyed all of Oregon’s park land for its potential and in 1952
built
27 campgrounds, ranging in size from four to 15 sites. They were
widely
popular with the leisure-seeking public. In the first year of
operation,
44,112 campers stayed at the new campgrounds. The list of
amenities at
the early state campgrounds was quite short: a table, fire grate
and
community
restrooms.
After Boardman retired, he spent his
days
at the Park Division office writing the history of each of
Oregon’s
parks.
In 1953, after completing the history of just 15 parks, he died.
The parks department honored Boardman
by
giving his name to a very scenic coastal park in Curry County.
Back in
1940, Boardman had unsuccessfully lobbied the National Parks
Service
for
a National Recreation Area designation for this acreage.
Perhaps honoring boardman's philosophy
of
park building and "the Great Architect," Samuel H. Boardman
State Park
has no campground. It is strictly a day-use facility.
Brookings-Harbor
In the vicinity of Brookings, six miles north of the California-Oregon state line, the coastal plain narrows as the Pacific Ocean indents eastward, and the Coast Range mountains quickly slope to the sea. The result is a countryside of spectacular beauty, with rocky headlands intruding on great sweeps of beach where surf and wind and geological upheaval have created coves, caves, sea stacks, and vertigo-inducing promontories northward to Port Orford.
Situated on the ocean and along the
north
bank of Chetco River, Brookings
is the southernmost incorporated city on the Oregon Coast.
Harbor is
the
southernmost unincorporated community that stretches southward
from the
Chetco's south bank.
Brookings was established about 1908 as
a company town for the Brookings Lumber & Box Company. John
E.
Brookings
was president and as chief executive officer lived on the
Pacific
Coast,
while his cousin, Robert S. Brookings, provided the major
financial
support.
R. S. Brookings lived in the east and devoted much of his time
to
semi-diplomatic
missions and support of the arts. It was he who hired Bernard
Maybeck,
a San Francisco architect later involved in the Panama-Pacific
Exposition,
to lay out the townsite, certainly the only early plat in Oregon
to
receive
the attention of such a qualified professional. Brookings post
office
was
established January 4, 1913.
The Port of Brookings-Harbor, one of
the
largest and safest commercial and sport fishing ports in Oregon,
provides
a variety of activities, including guide and charter service for
river
drift boat salmon and steelhead fishing, ocean salmon and bottom
fishing,
crabbing, clamming, and musseling.
Among the cash crops here and in nearby
Northern California are Easter lilies. In fact, a small group of
local
growers produces about 90 percent of the Easter lilies sold in
the US
and
Canada, and an early summer drive between Brookings-Harbor and
Crescent
City offers a breathtaking view of fields of blooming lilies.
Each Memorial Day weekend, the Azalea
Festival
is held in the 26-acre Azalea State Park. Acres of daffodils
bloom in
February
and March, and in July the countryside is covered in blooming,
fragrant
Easter lilies.
In December, the park is transformed
into
a winter wonderland with Nature's Coastal Highway Light Show and
Sculpture
Display.
Brookings is the only spot in the
continental
US that was bombed by Japan in WWII. The bomb site is marked by
a
monument
accessed from the Bonbsite Trail, located about ten miles inland
from
Brookings-Harbor
on South Bank Road. The pilot of the plane returned to Brookings
20
years
after the bombing during the annual Azalea Festival, and
presented the
town with his personal samurai sword. The sword, now on display
at
Brookings
City Hall, had been carried in his plane for good luck.
While Brookings is the only spot in the
continental US that was directly bombed by the Japanese, the
tiny
Klamath
County community of Bly was the only place on the American
continent
were
someone died as the result of enemy action during the war. On
May 5,
1945,
a Japanese balloon carrying incendiary bombs, designed to start
forest
fires, malfunctioned and landed without detonating. It was
disturbed by
a picnic group and exploded killing a woman and five children.
The
authorities
did not wish to inform the Japanese of their success and the
news was
suppressed
for several months.
Oregon's Banana Belt
The mildest climate on the coast gives
Brookings-Harbor
the name of Oregon's Banana Belt. The area's geology and a
meteorological
phenomenon known as the "Brookings effect" keep winter
temperatures
warmer
here than anywhere else in Oregon. Ocean breezes temper the
summer
heat,
making climate moderate, without the seasonal extremes
encountered
elsewhere.
Loeb State Park, about eight miles up
the
north bank of Chetco River, has 320 acres of myrtle wood—found
only in
Oregon and the Middle East—and is home to Oregon's largest stand
of
coastal
redwoods.
The Kalmiopsis
Wilderness
Area, at 180,000 acres, is Oregon's largest
wilderness.
This rugged area, accessed by traveling up the north bank of the
Chetco,
is part of the Siskiyou National Forest.
Named for the rare rhododendron-like
Kalmiopsis
leachiana, the wilderness is home to many rare and wonderful
botanical
specimens. Examples are the insect-eating Darlingtonia
flycatcher
plant,
Brewer’s weeping spruce and the economically valued timber
species,
Port
Orford cedar.
Harbor post office is where the old
office
of Chetco was once situated. The Chetco office was in operation
from
March
3, 1863, until November 15, 1910, in various places, and at one
time
was
near the mouth of the Chetco at the present site of harbor.
Later it
was
moved southward several miles. When Harbor post office was
established
on November 24, 1894, the name Chetco could not be used because
the
Chetco
office was then serving the locality near Winchuck River, not
far north
of the Oregon-California border. Augustus F. Miller served as
first
postmaster
of the Chetco office, and it is reported that the new name was
taken
from
the title of the Chetco Harbor Land & Townsite Company.
Peter
Costello
was first postmaster of the Harbor office, which was designated
a rural
station of Brookings on June 30, 1958.
Harbor's Pioneer Citizen
In 1983, lecturer, traveler, and writer Wynne Gibson was invited to visit Viola Hamscam, 91 years old and a resident of Harbor. She wrote:
Viola is a woman of many firsts in her
lifetime
and she recently received another honor... Pioneer Citizen. One
of her
outstanding feats is her handmade rag rugs depicting her
family's
history.
Seated in the livingroom of the home she and her husband built,
a
steaming
cup of coffee in hand, this bright-eyed, enthusiastic woman
proceeded
to
tell us of the famed rugs.
"These rugs were made from used clothes
of the Hamscam family. They are 35 inches long and 13 inches
wide to
fit
the stairs in this house. The first rugs go back to 1911 when I
left
home
to get married. It shows me leaving my parents’ home and
traveling by
foot
and wagon to Grants Pass. Rug Two is of our homestead with
bunkhouse,
cookhouse
and our two daughters. Rug Three adds our two sons, the store we
opened
in Kerby, our house and the schoolhouse. The Masonic Temple,
Oddfellows
Lodge, barbershop, and a new son are shown in Rug Four. Rug Five
depicts
the move to Fort Dick, California, in 1924. It put in redwood
trees,
the
new store we opened, and our four sons. Rug Six follows our move
to
Harbor...
the new store there and the row of cabins behind with the Chetco
River
along the top. The last rug, Seven, was done in 1961. It
replaces the
old
store with the new one and the cabins are gone. Lifestyles
changed
considerably
from the time I started the rugs until they were finished."
"I understand these rugs were placed on
display at the University of Oregon in Eugene, then to the
Oregon
Historical
Society in Portland, and on to the Renwick Gallery at the
Smithsonian
Institute
in Washington DC?" I queried.
"Yes," Viola said, "I was very proud to
have them selected for such an honor. They were returned from
Washington
DC, and hung in the Oregon State House in Salem, until July
1981, with
the Webfoot, BunchGrassers Oregon Folk Art Gallery. They are now
on
display
at the local Harbor Museum."
Viola still finds time to keep current
the
family's photo album collection, raise a large vegetable and
flower
garden,
babysit great grandchildren, and serve on the board of directors
for
the
Curry County Historical Society. She has an "open door" to all
who are
interested in her lifetime of living projects and Southern
Oregon Coast
history.
Chapter 23: Toledo
Toledo Precinct is bounded on the north by the line between Benton and Tillamook counties, on the south by Tidewater Precinct, on the east by Elk City Precinct and on the west by Yaquina Precinct, it being about 15 miles long and four miles wide. It includes the Yaquina River from the north of Mill Creek to where it enters Yaquina Bay, its general course being west, while it is very crooked, making long sweeps to pass several ridges that run across its general course. The tide flats are much wider than on the Bay, while land suitable for cultivation is more extensive. The hills are low and almost denuded of green timber, and farming and stock-raising is very extensively carried on.
The Siletz Reservation, partly in
Tillamook
and partly in Benton counties, has its southern portion and
agency
building
within the confines of Toledo Precinct. This section is a
beautiful
open
level situated on the north bank of the Siletz River, and has
been in
cultivation
ever since its occupation as an Indian Reservation, some 27
years ago.
Three or four miles south of the agency the country is rough and
timber
clad. The northern part of the precinct, including the heads of
Depot
and
Olalla sloughs, are thickly timbered, while it is from here that
the
chief
supply of the Yaquina trade will be obtained. Many have come to
and
gone
away from the Yaquina country by the usually traveled routes but
have
not
had the faintest idea that so large and valuable a tract of
green
timber
existed within easy access of the bay. A short distance above
the mouth
of the Yaquina, Boone Slough puts in from the north, tapping
both this
and Yaquina Precinct, and along whose banks is a large amount of
level
country, chiefly utilized for grazing purposes. Here also, on an
island
of considerable size is the remains of a once splendid grove of
trees.
About two miles farther up, but on the same side of the river is
Depot
Slough, and half a mile beyond we have Olalla Slough. Along both
of
these,
and on Beaver Slough as well, which joins Depot Slough from the
west,
are
wide bottoms, all mostly taken up, however, and under
cultivation.
Opposite
the mouth of the water-course last named are some gently rolling
lands,
the property of William Mackey and Henry P. Butler (1826-1893),
on
which
are valuable improvements, the whole being in good state of
cultivation.
Mill Creek comes in from the south, marking the eastern boundary
of the
precinct, where also are some fine lands. The whole of the land
lying
on
the river is taken and a considerable portion has been brought
into
cultivation.
To the south of the Yaquina, the
country
becomes rough and mountainous, the hills increasing in altitude
until
Table
Mountain is reached, which marks the division between the
watershed of
the Yaquina and that of the Alsea River, and forming a prominent
landmark
at sea as has been mentioned in the survey of A. W. Chase.
The population of Toledo Precinct is
about
400, the available country being thickly settled. The people are
industrious
and enterprising, the farms being well improved and wearing an
appearance
of neatness and thrift, thanks to a good soil that well
remunerates the
farmer for his labor. Stock-raising receives considerable
attention but
like all other portions of the coast country, nothing like what
its
capabilities
would warrant. A few hogs are raised almost everywhere, but not
more
than
can be used for home consumption. As there are no flouring mills
in the
district there has been no attempt to cultivate wheat beyond as
a
simple
experiment, but there is no doubt but that when the demand
arises it
will
be profitably produced. Oats is grown and does well, as do all
tubers
and
vegetables, while it is thought that were there a demand for
sugar
beets,
they could be matured to an almost unlimited extent. The
prosperity for
almost all kinds of fruit, except peaches, are good, many of the
orchards
being full of promise. There are two sawmills in the precinct
that have
been chiefly engaged in supplying the Oregon Pacific Railroad
Company
with
lumber.
The first settlement within the present
boundaries of Toledo Precinct was made by George R. Meggison,
who
located
on Depot Slough (then Siletz Slough) in January 1866. About the
same
time
came John Graham (1805-1883), who took up the claim on which the
town
of
Toledo stands, while Bill Mackey located on the opposite side of
the
bay,
at his present place. Then, William Dundon (1826-1902) settled
on Depot
Slough, and that same year H. P. Butler, who still owns his
original
claim;
R. Noah Baker (1857-1938), on the "Briggs Place;" N. James Leabo
(1838-1908)
on that adjoining the last named; and Robert Hill, on the place
now the
property owned by Charles E. Montgomery (1859-1899).
In 1868, a school was opened in the
precinct
in a building now vacant, while the first post office was in the
premises
of Bill Mackey, subsequently in that of H. P. Butler, and
afterwards to
its present locality—Toledo.
Toledo Settlement
The town of Toledo is situated on the east bank of Depot Slough, near its mouth, and is accessible to all vessels that can now cross the bar at the mouth of Yaquina Bay. It was laid out by John Graham in the year that the post office was there established. It is located on the line of the Willamette Valley & Coast Railroad, 12 miles east of Yaquina City and comprises one hotel, two stores, one saloon, a feed stable, a blacksmith's shop and post office.
Depot Slough
Depot Slough empties into the Yaquina
at
Toledo, and derived its name from the fact of the depot for
supplying
the
Siletz Reservation being located on its banks. About 18 years
ago a
sawmill
was built here by G. R. Meggison, and subsequently a like
enterprise
was
started by the railway company.

Caledonia
Caledonia, so called after the name
given
to Scotland by the Gauls, was first located January 1, 1885, and
is
situated
at the junction of the Caledonia (Olalla) River with the
Yaquina. It
was
laid out in 1885 by Henry Wilkinson Vincent (1827-1922) on the
claim of
William Stevens, while so favorable is the side considered that
town
lots
have found a ready sale. During the spring a hotel and store was
started
as well as the Charles Logsden Sawmill. Caledonia was
beautifully
located
and placed upon the county road.
Vincent was born in Watertown, New
York,
April 1, 1832. In 1851, he moved to Ripon, Wisconsin, and
married
Judith
D. Stevens (1835-1903), a native of Gouldsborough, Maine. The
couple
had
three children: Frank, Fred and Georgia (1871-1948). In July 3,
1874,
the
Vincents arrived in Benton County, and first located in
Corvallis.
Another early settler, George S.
Briggs,
who owned a large fruit orchard in Caledonia, was originally
from
Medina
County, Ohio. He was born October 27, 1834. His parents moved to
Racine
County, Wisconsin when he was two years old. The family remained
there
until 1850 when the moved to Fayette Company, Iowa. Briggs
enlisted in
Company F, 9th Vet. of Iowa, February 28, 1864 and served until
June
1865.
He returned to his home in Iowa and migrated to Portland, Oregon
in
1870.
In 1876, he moved to Yaquina Bay and purchased his 390 acre
farm, on
which
he had an orchard of over 6,000 trees, 4,000 of which were
Italian
Prunes.
Joseph Thompson, a printer, also settled at Caledonia. Thompson
was
born
in Huntington County, (Blair County) Pennsylvania, in 1832,
where he
resided
until 1852. In the spring of that year, Thompson joined the
Morrison
Train
at Dubuque, Iowa, and crossed the plains to Oregon. When the
party
reached
Tule (Modoc) Lake in Southern Oregon, they were surprised by 150
Modoc,
and after a desperate fight, which resulted in the loss of three
lives
and injuries to Thompson, they were finally rescued by a party
from
Yreka.
Upon his arrival at Yreka, Thompson began mining.
He then went to Sacramento and San Francisco
where
he worked as a printer, and at one time published a paper at
Nevada
City.
While living in Nevada City, Thompson married Mary V. Herbert.
The
Thompsons
were the parents of five children: Morris, Daisy, Joseph II,
Lillie and
Harriet. In 1869, he migrated to Yaquina Bay, and homesteaded
160 acres
adjoining the new town of Caledonia. However, he spent most of
his time
in Portland working on daily papers.
Located near Toledo, Caledonia was
probably
named for the Caledonian Canal dividing the Grampian Mountains
from the
West Highlands in Scotland. The canal connects the North Sea
with the
Atlantic
Ocean. The Caledonia Hills between Portage and Baraboo,
Wisconsin, are
part of the circular Baraboo Range around which the Wisconsin
River
flows.
Briggsville is about eight miles northwest of Portage, and may
be named
for the Briggs family that migrated to Yaquina Bay. Caledonia,
Wisconsin,
an unincorporated village about six miles northwest of Racine on
Root
River
and about eight miles south or Milwaukee, is an agricultural
region.
Famous
Portage historian Frederick J. Turner (1861-1932) noted "the
large
number
of Scots at Caledonia." Apple Holler in Sturtevant, Wisconsin,
features
over 50 acres of 16 different varieties of apples. This farm
hosts
tours
of its orchard and cider mill.
Caledonia is the Latin word for
Scotland,
and there are numerous Scottish settlements throughout north
America
that
bear that name. Euro-Americans in the new country followed the
land,
and
the formation of the land. They settled on the kind of land
where they
thought they would find happiness and prosperity. In the hills,
the
hill
people of Norway, Switzerland, Wales, Germany, Scotland and
other far
countries
tended to settle, and they called the places New Glarus, Wales,
Berlin,
Vienna, New Holstein and Caledonia. Caledonia, Columbia County,
Wisconsin,
was named by Scottish settlers. It was probably named by the
McDonald
brothers
who settled there in 1836. Caledonia, Tremplealeau County,
Wisconsin,
was
named by Alexander and Donald McGilvray and other Scottish
settlers,
Caledonia,
Racine County, Wisconsin, was named for Scottish settlers. This
area
also
had Welsh, Irish, Bohemian, and German settlements. Other
Caledonia
settlements
in the New World include Caledonia, Ontario, Canada (pop.
3,183);
Caledonia,
Minnesota (population 2,619); Caledonia, New York (population
2,327);
Caledonia,
Ohio (population 792); and Caledonia County, Vermont (pop.
22,789).
West Yaquina
West Yaquina was on the south bank of
the
Yaquina River, almost directly across from Yaquina City, a
railroad
boom
town of the 1880s.
The settlement was named for the
Yaquina,
a small tribe of the Yakonan family, formerly living about
Yaquina Bay.
Hale gives the the name as Iakon and Yakone, in Ethnology and
Philology,
1846; Lewis and Clark give Youikeones and Youkone; Wilkes'
Western
America,
1849, gives Yacone. Another form of the word is Acona.
Yaquina John Point, on the south side
of
the entrance to Alsea Bay just southwest of Waldport, was named
for
Yaquina
John, a chief or councillor of the Yaquina, who lived in the
vicinity
of
Alsea Bay. Yahal was a Yaquina Village on the north side of the
Yaquina.
Though Yaquina City has been called a
lost
city, most local people know how to get there—by driving three
miles
southeast
of Newport up Yaquina Bay Road to Sawyers Landing. Yaquina City
at
least
left a paper trail. A post office operated there from July 14,
1868, to
July 31, 1961. William Wallace Carr served as first postmaster.
Carr,
and
his brother, Sumner, were born in Ohio in 1840.
West Yaquina is a lost city too, though
it really was nothing more than a settlement.
Sometime during the railroad boom of
the
1880s, a plat map for West Yaquina was filed at the county
courthouse
(then
in Corvallis). It shows a perfectly planned rectangular
settlement with
40 blocks of lots and eleven streets running east-west that
intersect
three
north-south streets: Granville, Collins and Emery.
Early property ownership maps indicate
Sam
Case, founder of Newport, was probably West Yaquina's owner and
developer.
Case's West Yaquina vision of grandeur never materialized. His
village
shows up in the distant background of a photo taken around 1890
as four
or five buildings that appear to be houses.
What was the reason for West Yaquina's
existence?
What did potential lot buyers see in its future? It may have
been the
location
of a salmon cannery. In March 1888 Thomas Culbertson and James
Scott
announced
their intention to construct a cannery at West Yaquina. Whether
or not
it was ever built is not known.
Toledo Defeats West Yaquina
One reason for West Yaquina's descent
into
obscurity may have been its loss of the county seat to Toledo in
the
1896
election.
In May 1895, Pres. Grover Cleveland
(1837-1908)
signed the bill opening the Siletz Reservation. This would have
a
decisive
effect on the early history of Toledo.
For Toledo simultaneously was locked in
a battle with the town of West Yaquina for the county seat.
West Yaquina no longer exists; it is
possible
Toledo would have met the same fate if it had lost hold of the
seat.
The
first election came up in June 1894, and it was a relatively
calm
affair.
The Lincoln County Leader said nothing on the matter until two
weeks
beforehand,
when it came out with a dispassionate, but large piece on the
reasons
to
vote for Toledo. Geographic proximity to the rest of the county,
good
roads,
and the cost of moving the seat were listed prominently. Also
given
space
was the argument that the prospective opening of the reservation
would
move even more people into the Toledo area. In any case, the
editor was
confident that no city would get a majority with Newport and Elk
City
also
in the race. He was right; votes split geographically and West
Yaquina
garnered only 41 percent of the vote to Toledo's 32 percent.
The final vote between the two cities
two
years later was much more lively. West Yaquina apparently got
the first
blow in April 1896, as the Leader responded with a big
front-page
article,
"Something About Rings." John F. Stewart (1865-1917) writes:
One of the stock arguments kept on hand and constantly in use by those opposed to Toledo for county seat is that there is a "ring" at Toledo which they want to tear down.
Yet they do not say who runs this "ring" or who composes it, he complains:
If by the wholesale charge of "ring" it is meant that the people of Toledo work together and pull together for the common good, then we plead guilty and ask no mercy. There is such a "ring" in Toledo.
Only one Toledo resident had yet held county office, he states, and only two have been nominated for this election. Stewart then turns on West Yaquina:
This “ring” is not backed in their fight for the county seat by any foreign capitalist, town lot boomer, national banker, nor even a busted banker, but is making a clean, honorable fight for it.
This theme is developed much more fully the next week in "Has Lincoln County a County Seat for Sale?" Stewart acknowledges the common talk that outside interests are trying to influence the election with money, and he then writes:
Are the citizens and taxpayers of the
grand
young county of Lincoln ready to let the town let speculators,
the
national
bankers, and the coterie of speculating shylocks come into our
community
and debauch an election; to defeat the will of the people with
money;
to
upset and defeat the will of the people in order that their town
lots
that
they have bought for speculation may be enhanced in value and
thus
bring
dollars to their pockets? Can the bankers and speculators twist
and
wind
the people of the county to their own use and benefit by their
brazen
check
and dollars?
We do not believe they can.
Things quieted down in the month before the election. The harshest the Leader got was to proclaim "Keep it fairly before the people—Boodle boon town lots and high taxes means West Yaquina; home people and low taxes mean Toledo." On June 4th, the Leader calmly announced Toledo's "victory," also stating that the Indians had behaved very well in their first election. In the next week's Leader we are able to discover just how well the Indians had behaved. The election table showed Siletz precinct going 149 to 0 for Toledo (even the vote in Toledo precinct was only 163 to 11!). The final vote was 615 to 504. Clearly, Toledo won the county seat because of the timing of the reservation's closure. Even though Stewart made no comment on this fact, West Yaquina picked upon it and threatened to contest the election in order to get the Indian votes thrown out. The Leader responded with a threat of its own. Toledo, it said, had hired one of the best attorneys in the state and started investigating voters in other precincts. "The use of money can now be established," Stewart wrote, and
We do not hesitate to predict that if a contest is started that the county seat will remain at Toledo; but some persons who voted in Lincoln County on June 1, 1896, will come very near to the doors of the Oregon penitentiary.
West Yaquina quietly dropped the challenge.
Bushrod W. Wilson
Bushrod W. Wilson, a popular resident
and
pioneer of Benton County, was actively involved in the Corvallis
&
Yaquina Bay Railroad. He was one of the original
incorporators
of the line, which had its terminus at West Yaquina, where he
owned
property,
and held the positions of secretary as well as president.
Wilson born in Columbia, Washington
County,
Main, July 18, 1824. In 1830, his parents moved to New
Brunswick,
Middlesex
County, New Jersey, and resettled again in New York City in
1833. Ten
years
later, the Wilsons moved once more, to Kane County, Illinois.
At 18, Wilson left home. Choosing a
sea-faring
life, he spent three years in the Northwest seas and off the
coast of
Alaska,
and for eight years was among those "who go down to the sea in
ships."
In the meantime, gold was discovered in
California, and Wilson joined the '49ers. Traveling around Cape
Horn,
he
landed in San Francisco, July 3, 1850.
He grew tired of the gold fields, and
took
the brig Reindeer to Oregon in October of that year, landing at
the
mouth
of the Umpqua. In September, Wilson took up a claim in the
Willamette
Valley
seven miles southwest from where the City of Corvallis now
stands. The
property was later owned by Henkle and Armstrong.
A carpenter and contractor by trade,
Wilson
set up shop in Corvallis proper in 1837. He was the first to put
a
ferry
boat on the Snake River, where the town of Lewiston, Idaho has
grown up.
Returning to Corvallis, Wilson spent
his
first winter in running a keel boat between that point and
Oregon City,
on the Willamette. He opened a warehouse and started a pork
packing
business
which he ran until June 1864, when he was elected county clerk
of
Benton
County.
Civically minded, Wilson identified
himself
with the welfare of Corvallis, and strenuously maintained a
strong and
willing fight for public education, and 1853, he was county
superintendent
of Common Schools.
West Yaquina a Shipping Hub
A short article dated March 16, 1911,
from
the Newport Signal indicates West Yaquina was a shipping hub for
dairy
products and produce grown in the Beaver Creek-Ona area of south
county.
From West Yaquina, good were floated across the river to Yaquina
City
and
loaded onto Willamette Valley bound trains.
Why didn't farmers simply bring their
goods
to Newport? The short answer is inadequate roads. As a bird
flies, the
distance between Newport and Ona was estimated at eight or nine
miles,
but the lack of roads made it seem much farther. In 1911, L. M.
Commons
of Ona claimed that due to a lack of roads, she had not visited
Newport
for two years.
A 1906 map in the archives of the
Oregon
Coast History Center shows there were two "wagon roads" that
went to
West
Yaquina. One originated on the beach where Moore Creek empties
into the
ocean, in the vicinity of the south end of the present-day
Newport
Airport.
The second came from the south, perhaps originating at Ona. As
it
reached
West Yaquina, it paralleled McCaffrey Slough.
Watering Holes and Brothels
A few unconfirmed stories have
circulated
that West Yaquina was more than a transportation hub. Some have
claimed
it was a watering hole where residents of Yaquina went to drink
and
patronize
its brothels.
West Yaquina probably declined as
transportation
routes improved. Apparently there were a few houses (lacking
running
water
and electricity) there as recently as the 1950s. At that time,
they
were
accessible only by boat.
There are just a few old-timers around
who
know anything about the long-gone settlement called West
Yaquina.
Perhaps
even fewer people know where it was and how to get there today.
Adventurous
hikers and mountain bikers who have stumbled upon the site of
West
Yaquina
reported only a few remnants of Sam Case's settlement remain
today—trees
planted in a row, the outline of a house or two. West Yaquina's
story
has
yet to be written, but these few sources shed some light on its
history.
South Yaquina
South Yaquina, now a ghost town, was directly across the bay from Yaquina City, but this area apparently was never developed to the extent of its sister city to the north. Fagan is quoted as saying: South Yaquina is "a town that as yet has only its name to boast of," and did not have a post office. Yaquina Bay, Yaquina Station and Yaquina River which heads near the Benton-Lincoln county line, and flows into the bay, bear the name of the Yaquina. In the early days there was also a Yaquina City, was situated on the eastern side of Yaquina Bay, about four miles from its mouth and was the terminus of the Willamette Valley & Coast Railway, where the company had a large dock and two warehouses, and a great amount of material, giving employment to many workmen. There also was the Custom House presided over by Collins Van Cleve. The town consisted of Jacobs & Neugass' General Merchandise Store, a drugstore, meat market and hotel, the interests of the place being ably kept before the public by the Yaquina Post. The land on which the town was situated was owned by the railroad company who saw in it the future great city of the Northwest. Directly across the bay was South Yaquina, a town that had only its name to boast of.
Toledo 1866-1900
The early years of Toledo will never
be
the
subject of extended historical analysis. The development of this
town
and
the area around it in the last third of the 19th Century does,
however,
present some interesting episodes and issues which are deserving
of
attention.
That is the simple premise of this paper.
Toledo now does not partake much of its
early historical roots. The government transformed this town on
the
eastern
shore of Yaquina Bay in 1917 by building the world's largest
spruce
factory
in order to help the war effort. From then on the mill has
loomed
largest
in the city's development (and landscape).
The rugged individualist, C. D.
Johnson,
bought the mill after the war. His tenure saw the most
significant
single
event in Toledo's history, the running out of town in 1925, or
35
Japanese
laborers who had been brought in to work at the mill. The town
continued
to boom, and Georgia-Pacific Corporation bought the mill in
1952.
Population
in Lincoln County, however, was shifting, and Toledo lost the
county
seat
later that decade. Increasingly dependent on one industry,
Toledo has
suffered
much during the recent recession. The final blow came just this
year,
as
Georgia-Pacific Corporation announced that it would be closing
its main
wood products operation.
If we go back to the closing decade of
the
last century, however, the image of Toledo is one of unbounded
optimism,
even in hard times. It is this story, accompanied by the
struggle to
make
the elusive image come true, that follows.
First, though, a note on sources.
Published
accounts have very little information on Toledo, and documents
are
scant
for the period, although I have not been able to examine the
papers in
the keynotes archives. The new museum in Toledo has a few
records such
as city council minutes, and the historical society in Newport
has a
few
helpful pieces of information, but for my period I have had to
rely
mainly
on newspapers. This has also been frustrating, as most of the
old bay
newspapers
founded in the 1880s and 1890s apparently no longer exist.
Reference is
made to some of them in historical pieces written as late as the
1930s,
though, so perhaps they have found an elusive hiding place.
Two stalwart newspapers, however, still
exist. The Corvallis Gazette provides invaluable information on
the
early
bay up until about 1880. Either strongly Republican or
temperance in
orientation,
it was very bullish on the subject of the bay and has as its
local
correspondent
the prolific "Rialto." This was the pen name for Royal
A.
Bensell (1838-1921), author of the Civil War
journals known
as All Quiet on the Yamhill, and the most prominent citizen on
the bay
in the 19th Century. One of the first three squatters in the
area, he
made
his claim very near to what is now Toledo and remained there for
a few
years before moving to Newport. The Gazette has many gaps,
though, both
in terms of papers that did not survive and in terms of the
varied in
the
absences of Bensell. Newspaper coverage is extremely sparse for
the
1880s,
but in 1893 the Lincoln County Leader came out with its first
issue.
Celebrating
the new county, the paper's for "all the news that is of
interest to
taxpayers,"
mainly in Toledo. The problem with the weekly Leader is that it
often
did
not deem it necessary to discuss issues which everyone of
importance in
town had obviously already had a chance to sit around and chew
the fat
on. This means that we lack some very essential information
needed to
interpret
certain episodes in Toledo, especially those involving conflict
either
within the town or between Toledo and other areas.
The history of any locality, of course,
should include not just what actually did happen, but also what
could
have
happened, but did not. In Toledo's case, its early history was
tied up
in the development of the Yaquina Bay district. An examination
of the
possibilities,
both actual and imagined, that this presented is where we must
start.
This
requires looking at the bay as a whole, but always with Toledo
in mind.
As "Avalo" wrote in the Gazette as early as 1866, "that some
point on
the
bay will, in time, rival Portland, is certain, and prudent men
will
make
a selection soon."
The Yaquina
Bay region was closed to settlement from the
creation of the
Siletz
Reservation in 1856 until the beginning of 1866. Soldiers and
others
who
had been keeping order at the reservation during the Civil War
had,
however,
already begun to settle in the region. Upon hearing the news
that a 21
mile wide strip of reservation was now open (before even the
resident
Indian
agent had been told), R. A. Bensell, J. S. Copeland (1834-1912)
and G.
R. Meggison made claims for land near the present site of Toledo
at
Depot
Slough. New settlers came as far as Elk
City on the military wagon road from Corvallis and
took
steamers
to other areas of the bay.

These squatters recognized the potentials of the Bay immediately and soon began clamoring for improvements. With a fine harbor close to inland agriculture, boosterism began quickly. The very first example of this was a letter written to the Gazette by David Newsome concerning the first Fourth of July at Yaquina. Already 300 whites were reported on the bay, and Newsome predicted great success for their area.
As water, by an unchangeable law, seeks its level, just so, also, will commerce seek and flow through the most direct and available channel.
From the beginning observers viewed Newport as the preeminent site of the bay, but probably the second greatest attraction were the Premier Steam Mills at Depot Slough. With parts built in San Francisco, Bensell, Copeland, and Meggison constructed a sawmill that "Rialto" (Bensell) extolled in 1869 as "universally acknowledged to be the most complete mill in Oregon." As early as June 1866, "Avalo" was pointing to the mill as a shining example of the success available to settlers on the bay:
I visited the Premier Sawmill on the Depot Slough and found one of the best steam sawmills in the state, sawing 7,000 and 8,000 feet per day; a lumber yard containing good saleable lumber; boats coming and going, loaded with lumber all the time. This is a lively place; some 15 hands employed.
Reports of daily lumber production
fluctuated
from 6,000 to 10,000 feet over the next few years, with lumber
selling
for $15 per 1,000 board feet in 1867. In 1868, the schooner T.
Starr
King
arrived at the mouth of the slough to pick up 140,000 feet of
lumber. A
20 ton schooner was even being constructed at the mill in 1867.
In
1869,
the mill was employing five men and working 11 hours a day,
although
not
without danger, for Meggison nearly lost his hand the next year.
The
mill
spawned other activities, as a “magnificent ball” was held in "a
spacious
building near the sawmill" as early as August 1866. Premier
Steam
Mills’s
success culminated in the siting of Millville in 1867, although
not
much
ever came of the town.
Perhaps the greatest wave of excitement
to hit the bay in its early years was the discovery of coal. In
considering
this, it must be kept in mind that Lincoln County now produces
about as
much coal as Eugene.
Yet on February 16, 1867, the Gazette
published
a letter from "Avalo" reporting a coal find half a mile below
Oysterville.
He commented:
From the evidence it is reasonable to suppose coal beds are scattered over a huge tract of the bay district, and that is a very short time, coal mining will become profitable business.
In fact, much of the coal turned out to be right around Premier Steam Mills. In 1919, Teresa Roper published an account of the discovery It very well may be fictional, but on the other hand, it may be based on authentic oral sources:
"Hellow!"
"'Low!"
"Gitten any?"
"Enough for dinner, maybe. Where yer
been?"
"Up to the sawmill—but 'taint runnin'."
"Shut down?"
"Shut up."
"Smartie!"
"Never mind yer talkin' over thar and
mind
yer hook; that, yer might have had that feller."
"I'll get him yet." And the speaker,
John
Mackey, grabbed a small home-made hand let, and made a dive
toward a
large
trout that was nibbling at the bait on his hook.
"Look out, there," yelled Joe Graham,
who
was silently fishing a few feet away. But his warning came too
late,
for
John, over-reaching himself, lunged head first into the clear
cold
waters
of Depot Slough.
Will Clark—the newcomer—made a dive for
the seat of John's pants, but missing, sat down with a heavy
thud on
the
wet mud bank, just in time to get the benefit of the flying
spray
kicked
up by John's plunge.
"There! See how you have riled the
water
and skeered all the fish away," said Joe with none too soft
voice. "No
more fishing in this spot now," and he drew in his line as John,
with
many
a splutter and sneeze, waded out of the water and climbed the
bank.
Roars of laughter came from Will as he
viewed
his dripping companion, but he stopped suddenly and said:
"Why, you got your fish!"
"Didn't neither."
"Wall, what's that in the net, then?"
"Mud!"
"And something else, too—it's—wall,
what
is it?" as he emptied the contents of the net on the ground and
picked
therefrom a round black object and held it up for inspection.
"Only a rock, you simp," said John.
"Wash it off and see, Joe," and a
moment
after three heads were bending earnestly over the outstretched
hand in
which the black lump lay.
"Boys, say boys; don't you know what
that
is? That's coal—yes, sir, coal."
"Oh, get along."
"It is, too. Say, let's hunt up
Bensell;
he'll know."
"But where in thunder would coal come
from,
here?"
"Maybe there is more where that came
from,"
and Joe bent over the water, which by this time had grown quite
clear
again.
"There is another piece; where is the
net,"
excitedly.
All were interested now. Even John
forgot
his discomfort of his wet clothes, in fact he courted dampness
by
stepping
down in the water and securing several lumps. On shore they
again
examined
the—now quite a pile of—the black rocks, after which they
gathered them
into the fishnet, and Clark lifted it to his shoulders all
started in
the
direction of the mill in quest of Bensell.
Coal fever exploded and contracted at
the
bay pretty much within the year of 1867. Gold was also
discovered in
April
of that year, prompting the editor of the Gazette to attempt to
contradict
the wild and exaggerated rumors about both minerals. The gold,
he said,
was hard to get at and the coal not nearly as plentiful as
claimed. Yet
in the same piece we learn that Bensell had brought over to
Corvallis a
specimen of coal taken from three miles above Premier Steam
Mills. It
was
tested and pronounced of competent quality. Two weeks later,
"Rialto"
wrote
that more coal had been discovered, "steps have been already
taken to
form
a company" to capitalize on it, and "the speedy development of
this new
country can be counted on for certain." He also stated that
"considerable
good farming land" lay unclaimed in the vicinity of the beds, so
his
reports
must be considered in light of attempts to bring in settlers.
Yet in
May,
Yaquina coal was pronounced a "good article" in San Francisco,
and an
actual
vein was discovered within two miles of Premier Steam Mills.
This led
to
a meeting at Oysterville held "to settle the future means of
working
these
mines."
This all so excited the editor that he
threw
away "the shackles of caution" and proclaimed,
the inexhaustible coal mines, to say nothing of the mines of precious metals, will alone, at no distant day, prove a source of incalculable advantage to our people.
Findings of the black rock became so common that it became routine. "Ohio" reported in June that
there is not much excitement about the coal beds at this time. New veins are being discovered every few days.
The Yaquina Coal Company was formed in
August,
but then problems apparently began to develop. Of course, we do
not
learn
in the Gazette as much about failure as we do of success. By the
end of
the year, Rialto wrote that "Try, try again" was the motto of
those
developing
coal. Never again was coal to be as big at Yaquina. In 1873,
Bensell
still
reported optimism about the mineral, but communications on the
subject
became nearly non-existent. Yet interest must have continued,
for as we
shall see, coal production was a part of Toledo's economy in the
1890s.
The story of coal on the bay is just a
small
part of the grand scheme to develop the region. As Rialto
recognized,
it
was not enough simply to possess the natural resources.
The coal is in fact, and we feel the great necessity of capital. Men of means here, have it already invested, and feel too poor, to undertake the management of coal shipping on borrowed capital. Why is it that the country remains purely passive, while millions lie in their reach? Come and see it, before pronouncing it a humbug.
The struggle to turn the bay area into
a
thriving commercial center, both through outside intervention
and
internal
self-help, was a recurrent theme in the first decades of Yaquina
settlement.
It was especially intense the first few years, as new
inhabitants came
with their hopes and dreams—and nowhere further west to move.
"High Tide" expressed the optimism
surrounding
Yaquina Bay: "ere many years it will be the metropolis of
Oregon." Such
a feeling impelled "the best and most substantial men on the
bay" to
organize
a series of internal improvements. Public works projects such as
road
construction
flourished, one road having 50 men supervised by G. R. Meggison
working
on it; a stage line between Corvallis and Yaquina Bay began to
run
three
times a week; an independent schooner line was formed; most
importantly,
articles of incorporation were filed for a railroad company. Yet
the
brave
pioneers of the region soon discovered that outside forces
controlled
much
of their destiny. First, a public mail route took an
exasperating
length
of time to come through. Then land surveys, and surveys for the
harbor
and a prospective lighthouse, took far too long to complete. The
settlers
could not understand this, for as they saw it, all people needed
to do
was "place their finger on the map" to see that Yaquina's growth
was
assured.
Going through the bay would cut transportation costs for all
produce
from
the Willamette Valley, Eastern Oregon, and even Montana and
Idaho,
because
it saved 200 miles compared to Portland in getting shipments to
the
primary
market at San Francisco. In fact, Yaquina Bay would soon be the
biggest
port between San Francisco and Puget Sound.
What these honest boosters had not
counted
on, however, was opposition from those who had an interest in
maintaining
the status quo. Even though the Gazette editor continually
proclaimed
that
economic growth at Yaquina would not hurt Portland, the
Oregonian began
to belittle this "little scribbler" as early as July 1886.491 No
one
but
Portland was considered for a railroad route to the sea in the
legislative
session of 1867, and anti-Portland polemics became more heated
as
frustration
increased. The Gazette editor wrote in 1869:
Every movement towards opening up and improving Yaquina Bay, from the first sailing of the little steamer Pioneer for those waters, to the present day, has been fought by Portland capital, backed by the Portland press.
"Rialto" gave the fullest expression to this
feeling
in an impassioned piece written in 1867. According to him, not
just
Yaquina
but the entire Willamette Valley was being strangled by the
Portland
merchant
and shipping monopoly. Therefore, these "honest men"—the "hard
working
farmers" of the Willamette Valley—should form an opposition
against the
Portland interests, who used state politics corruptly and
selfishly.
After
all, in Portland "the merchants are at least one third Jews."
Yet as it turned out, a conspiracy
theory
would not work well enough. David Newsome laid the blame for
lack of
development
on the influence of both "heavy capitalists and popular
prejudice."
"Rialto"
was more specific: "Old fogeyism is written on every worm fence
in the
country." "The farmers of Benton County," he explained "need to
be
swindled
out of their eye teeth for ten years yet." Still, some optimism
had to
lie behind the continuous exhortation—"How long will the people
slumber?"
Ice blockades closed off the Columbia River for up to two months
every
year, and the Gazette jumped all over Portland for that. The
best thing
to happen to the area, according to its boosters, was the
publishing of
the survey of Yaquina harbor. The depth of the harbor's bar had
been a
topic for continuous debate throughout the state (It remains so
today,
I might add). Yet the federal survey gave it a glowing
recommendation,
and all papers in the state published it except the Oregonian.
The
Gazette
editor proclaimed:
The report which we publish today, although not making an inch more or less water on the bar at Yaquina, will cause an entire revolution of the wheel of progress in our state and country.
Confidence in getting a railroad increased—if not through discussion then through a power play:
If the public would make one energetic move in the right direction, a railroad could be built to the Yaquina Bay while the east and west "sides" were blackguarding each other.
"We shall then," wrote one settler,
"practically
be brought in close proximity with the wealth, refinement, and
civilization
of the eastern states." As the editor of the Gazette often put
it, "the
world moves, and Benton County is, by no means, standing still."
He also continuously chanted the phrase
"There is no time to lose." What ended up happening, however,
was a
wait
of years and years for a railroad of salvation. "Without a
railroad to
Yaquina," he complained in 1870, "we are hopeless, forever
more."
Resentment
continued. "Rialto" continued with his apparently anti-market
anti-Semitism:
So far, the business people of Corvallis show a decided aversion to cast off the Isaacs, Solomons, and Nathans of Portland; there is something pleasant in that familiar song, so common on Front Street, "I does sell my goods just as cheap as any oder men."
During the 1870s, the Gazette continued in the vein noticed by one "Citizen" as early as 1867—"Railroad 'on the brain' is the prevalent epidemic in this community." The editor worked single-mindedly for a railroad, and harbor improvements, until his death in 1880. Yet one increasingly notices a tone of helplessness and despair, most marked in this vivid picture:
Three vessels, the Hunter, Lizzie and Caroline Medeau, are now piled upon South Beach, almost within a stone's throw of each other. A withering blight seems to settle over all our future commercial prospects, in that direction, and an ominous damper is thrown upon our railroad project, by this fearfully frequent wrecking of vessels at the extreme of our harbor, which is seized upon by the enemies of the place, and heralded aboard to the detriment of Yaquina Bay.
It is possible that social divisions
among
the bay settlers contributed to problems associated with
developing the
region. The first settlers were proud of their service in the
Civil
War,
even if they had not done all that much. "This Yaquina Country"
stated
a proud "Union man," "is settling up with the best kind of Union
men.
They
will stand by the government to the last man and dollar." The
election
results for 1866 demonstrated this, as Yaquina was the "banner
precinct"
for the Union party, enabling the party to carry Benton County
as a
whole
by providing straight-ticket majorities of 60 to 75 percent. By
1870
"Wolverine"
was still able to say that "Yaquina Bay has been and still is an
eye-sore
to
the democracy," but “Blue Breeches” had to admit that “The
Yaquina is
getting
to be a great resort for...mangy Democrats." That the new
squatters may
have been poorer is seen in the response "Rialto" made to the
claim
that
the Newport Transportation Company only employed Republicans. It
was
true,
he stated, that Republicans owned nine tenths of the stock but
three-fourths
of the employees were Democrats. Republicans claimed to have
accomplished
all the improvements on the bay, and stated that "let them (the
Democrats)
carry the state, then farewell to all future aid."
Partisan divisions may have been
associated
with divisions over the temperance issue, although this is a bit
speculative.
In 1867, reports of opposition to prohibition were coming in
from
Yaquina,
and nine years later "X" reported on "the bacchanalian revelry
that is
constantly going on at this place... Yaquina Bay is cursed with
its
share
of idle, vicious, lawless hoodlums. We earnestly hope a
reformation
will
take place soon." Democratic majorities began appearing off and
on
after
1873, and there were certainly strong partisan feelings on many
issues,
as we shall soon see. One gets the feeling, though, that
developing the
bay often cut across social divisions. "Rialto", writing in 1867
about
the mail route, threatened,
"we will all turn Democrat here, shortly, if we are denied the use of newspapers. Politicians on our side should think of this."
Five years later, he wrote on the same theme of self-interest:
Politics is easy; some few find time to denounce monopolists and land grants. These are, however, generally in favor of any monopolist, and any amount of land granting, to construct the Yaquina Railroad; after success in this matter, we will be sternly consistent.
Red-White Relations on Yaquina Bay
What apparently united settlers on the
bay
the most, however, was not an issue of economic development or
political
affiliation. It was fear of the "red savages" at the nearby
Siletz
Reservation.
The theme of "red-white" relations on the bay is easily the most
exciting
topic of the area's early history. Unfortunately, its
significance has
never been very fully explored.
The earliest days of settlement saw
conflict
between non-indians and Indians. According to recent study, the
first
wave
of immigration did not respect the property of the
newly-transplanted
Indians:
The Indians who had been settled near the bay were bitter and rebellious, as settlers seized their garden plots, houses, and fences, even ripping apart and old Indian's house for the lumber and nails.
Still, the Indians caught the spirit of things at the first Fourth of July celebration, with 300 of them (to 400 whites) going all the way to Newport to share in the festivities. They were even allowed to feast on the huge supply of food—after the non-indians were finished. Indian attendance at Independence Day celebrations afterwards became routine, with their dancing always listed as one of the great entertainments. At the same time, though, with land becoming increasingly scarce, efforts to remove the Indians began. "Rialto" launched the first tirade to close down the reservation in 1867. Stating that the non-indians should fulfill our promises—just somewhere else—he wrote:
The Siletz Agency is desirably located, close to a good market, abounding in the best of cedar, and amply large enough to support a large and prosperous community of whites. While the Indians are doing very well, the whites could do much better, not only to himself, but for Benton County and the state at large.
With this would come better morale, more
available
taxes, and most significantly—"then people could go to bed
without fear
of being "scalped" before sunrise."
This last comment took on added meaning
with the first big Indian scare on the bay. In September 1868 a
white
man
named George W. Ballard (1820-1887) murdered Indian Frank near
Corvallis.
The Indians demanded blood, but apparently the Indian agent
calmed them
down by telling them of the "fair law" of the white man. Or did
he?
"Wolverine"
wrote in soon after that the night of September 11, 1868, was
appointed
as the night on which the Indians would burn all the agency
buildings,
as well as kill the employees. Naturally, this news did not sit
well
with
the non-indian inhabitants.
The people at the Premier Steam Mills were awakened from their peaceful slumber, in the dead of night, and an express started to alarm all the squatters along the bay. John Mackey's house presenting the most favorable locality for defense, all the women and children along the Depot Slough, and in the immediate neighborhood were taken to that place for protection. While the men stood guard around the house to protect them from their merciless foe.
No "Red Dawn" here, though. Although the settlers were "prepared to meet the "painted savages" in all the horrors of Indian warfare,"
Day at length dawned upon the scene, as the orb of dawn advanced and showed with resplendent beauty upon—what? The "thirsty warriors" from the Siletz? No! But upon the placid waters of the Yaquina winding peacefully to the ever-heaving bosom of the ocean.
Apparently agent Simpson had also nipped
this
plot
in the bud, too—with the help of 15 citizens from the bay who
had come
to the agency to provide help.
Relations remained quiet for several
years
afterwards. The bay inhabitants at times even explicitly
recognized the
benefit of having their "semi-civilized" neighbors close by.
Upon
reporting
the rumor of the removal of 1,000 to 2,000 members of the Snake
nation
to Siletz seven months after the big scare, the Gazette editor
noted
that
they and the solders accompanying them "will furnish a good
market for
the farm and garden products of Yaquina and the surrounding
country."
Also,
the Indians provided "free labor" for the very important task of
building
roads, as long as they were fed—and they would refuse to work if
not
fed.
Still, a petition began circulating around the bay early in 1870
asking
for the removal of the Indians. The Gazette, although later
claiming
always
to have supported expansion, opposed it. A correspondent wrote
in that
the petition was going nowhere, "the whole thing sounds like the
ill
spent
work of some chronic office-seekers." Yet the Willamette Valley
Mercury
reported that
None have refused to sign it in this part of the county, but those who are "special pets" of Ben Simpson's and are readily classed as squaw men. What really happened? We will never know, as the issue became caught up in party rivalry. The Democrats in the Mercury accused Simpson, the Indian agent and a renegade Democrat, of desiring to keep the lucrative agency for selfish purposes: the fact that there are poor people who want farms is nothing to this clan of plunderers. The Gazette responded in kind.
Petitions were still circulating in
1873,
the year of the last, but most spectacular, would-be uprising.
"Rialto"
complained that whereas "heretofore the knowledge of such
petitions has
been kept from them," the Indians are "now made to feel that
they are
the
"equal" of the white man; nothing is concealed from them. They
are
told,
in so many words, that the whites are trying to 'remove' them."
He
stated
that there was no reason to let the Indians know of news
concerning the
doings of the non-indians—"particularly that kind intended to
make them
uneasy."
Unfortunately, the Indians were upset
about
more than plans to "remove" them. In July, 1872, Tututni Jack
was
drinking
a bit too much and drew a pistol. T. H. Boyle shot and murdered
Jack.
It
was ruled self-defense later, but again the Indians were up in
arms and
tried to take "revenge" on Boyle. This was just a specific
episode in
the
general problem of liquor in Indian-white relations. Just the
fact that
Jack and Boyle were drinking together—albeit armed—is
significant. That
same month, though, federal officials stepped up pressure on
those
selling
alcohol to the Indians. The US deputy marshal made a raid and
arrested
four non-indians, much to "Rialto's" dismay as the men were
quite
upstanding
citizens. In a rather funny episode, the next day the marshal
"made a
very
big fool of himself," got drunk, put the prisoners in irons,
used
profanity,
and drove the women out of the women's cab in the steamer taking
the
prisoners
to Portland.
Indian discontent went underground for
a
few months. It then erupted with a ferocity not yet seen by the
small
community
of isolated white settlers. The first hint that something was up
came
in
a January 4th letter to the Gazette from "Alka," referred to as
someone
who was "thoroughly acquainted with the Indian character."
According to
him, a prophet came to Siletz several months before, proclaiming
that
if the Indians would dance long and strong, the dead Siwash of many years past would return to life and... a war would be made on the whites, and a short, successful warfare would terminate in a repossession of their old homes and hunting grounds.
Laboring for a time without converts, the
prophet
gradually gained acceptance until "now, scarcely an Indian on
the
Siletz
or Alsea agencies can be found who does not express perfect
confidence
in the prophet's prophecies." This, despite all the efforts of
the
agent
to disprove the prophet and stop the dancing. "Alka" warned that
the
settlers'
safety had always depended on divisions within the Indian
population,
but
that now they were united and a real danger. In a very
interesting
comment,
he stated that "the Indians know the county thoroughly—and the
inside
of
nearly everyone's house in the county." Unfortunately, he noted,
"there
is a long list of promises, miserably disregarded" which caused
Indian
distrust. The editor of the Gazette commented on "Alka's" piece
by
pointing
out the Modoc Massacre at Tule Lake and linking the problems at
Siletz
to the "unusual discontent on the part of all, or nearly all,
the
Indian
tribes of the West and Northwest." He speculated that it might
be that
"a grand, universal uprising is premeditated." In any case, "the
people
on the bay feel alarm, and not without some cause."
The next week the editor reported the
gathering
of Indians on the reservation, many of whom had been long
absent. All
the
Indians were being "forced" to take part in nightly war dances
with
paint
and feathers, even Indian women married to whites. He supposed
that the
Indians themselves probably did not even understand their own
actions,
"as they are governed by messengers and "spies" (prophets) from
other
tribes."
Yet their "war-like intentions" were beyond doubt, according to
those
best
acquainted with the Indians. He claimed that the ulterior motive
of
creating
a reason for "removing" the Indians was behind the scare.
"The most intense excitement prevailed
among
the citizens of the bay" the next week, as Edward N. Sawtell's
house
was
burned to the ground and his life threatened. This crime was
attributed
to California Jack and was viewed as the first strike in the
blitzkrieg
to come. "All the families from Depot to Pioneer were at Elk
City," and
evidently both Democrats and Republicans joined in the fear.
"Brutus,"
the correspondent for the Benton Democrat, exclaimed in a fit of
"masculine
protectiveness":
Something must be done by the Indian Department, or the state authorities, or you will see Yaquina Bay a waste, and the labor and hardships endured for seven long years come to naught. Is there no remedy for this? Are we not taxpayers, as well as others in Benton County? Have we no rights to be "protected?"...We men can endure all this, but our women and children are the sufferers.
"Rialto" suggested the planting of spies
among
the "friendly" Indians.
The citizens of the bay (or 15 or them,
at least) then met at Toledo and organized themselves in a
militia
company
"for mutual protection against the Indians, in case of an
outbreak."
Bill
Mackey of Toledo was appointed commander. Seven forts were set
up,
including
Fort Butler at the mouth of Depot Slough. Correspondents
described the
horror:
there was a general stampede... many families took to little boats and kept to the middle of the river all night, and it was a very disagreeable night... The men harnessed their teams to their wagons, loaded in their wives and little ones, and started for places of protection in a hurry... Just think, Mr. Editor, of old men (some cripples) old women and young women and children being hurried out of bed in the cold, and through the darkness, rain and mud, be compelled, to flee to places of protection, leaving their homes to the tender mercies of these civilized (?) and Christianized (?) pets of the government... I have seen women cry and trembling with fear until quite sick; children cry and trembling, and looking up to their excited mothers for protection—scared nearly to death.
The revitalization movement was
continuing,
with several dead Indians including Tututni Jack, reportedly
coming to
life. "It is hoped," "Rialto" wrote, that the "government will
send
some
troops."
Yet by the time these letters were
published,
they were old news. The lead story on page two of the January
25th
Gazette
read (in bold, changing print):
The Siletz Indian Scare!
•••
Tranquility Restored!
•••
Tribe Surrenders Its Arms!
•••
Superintendent's Visit!
•••
Whites Return To Their Homes!
As it turned out, the superintendent
of
Indian
affairs visited the agency and on his call all the Indians
assembled.
"Considerably
excited by the "hostile" demonstrations, as they considered
them, of
the
people who were forting on the bay," they unanimously agreed to
give up
all their guns, and also offered their knives. They stated that
it was
foolish to think they might attack the white settlers, for they
"could
not afford to." "And thus ended the much dreaded Siletz war."
Interested observers still found it
necessary,
however, to perform a post-mortem on the incident. The editor
began the
task, under the pressure of the state exchanges which were "very
flippantly"
calling the scare all "fuss and feathers." He again reminded
them of
the
suffering of the women and little children, but admitted:
That no real cause existed for this excitement, so far as the Indians are concerned, is now pretty clearly demonstrated. They were as badly scared as any of the whites.
As a journalist, however, he stated that he
was
not in the position to affix blame for the cause of the
troubles.
The opposing sides took up the pen for
the
Gazette two weeks later in order to clean that matter up. Gen.
Joel
Palmer,
the lame-duck agent, declared forcefully that the Indians never
committed
one improper action against the non-indian settlers. On the
contrary,
"civilization"
was proceeding apace at Siletz, and the Indians were "more than
happy"
to give up their arms. The dancing, which got everyone so
excited, was
only for departed spirits and not for war. A conspiracy had
fanned the
fire:
The idea that they contemplate using these restored relatives to aid in expelling the whites from their "hunting grounds and peaceful homes," has been added by some "silly old squaw," or more likely the plotters, in their scheme to induce the government to "remove" these Indians, and to aid in securing the establishment of a military post at Newport; and also encouraged by a class who hope to secure a rich harvest in the advancement of real estate along the line of the projected railroad, from the bay to Corvallis, by purchasing from the alarmed and frightened inhabitants, their little homes, that have been opened by toil and privations, for a mere pittance; for no one would regard the value of their home if their family were in danger. Now, sir, you have the substance of my convictions as to the reasonableness of this native outbreak.
A "Toledoite" strongly disagreed, but
his
comments hint that Palmer's analysis might have been at least
somewhat
correct. This correspondent claimed that the main problem with
the
aboriginal
population was that they did not stay on the reservation, but
instead
came
into the area around the bay to be a general "nuisance." Then,
"Toledoite"
turned to make a strong case for opening up the reservation
while
denying
that the petitioners ever asked for this. He threw in some
familiar
barbs
at Portland, saying that it was in the monopolies' interest to
always
have
Indians at Siletz, as they slowed down the development of the
bay. What
he failed to do, in other words, was refute Palmer or
specifically
address
the problem of the scare itself.
We may never know exactly what happened
that January. "Rialto" maintained his story through and
through—"I am
proud
to know no amount of obloquy or ridicule he (Palmer) may deem
proper to
cast upon the Yaquina Bay people, individually or collectively,
will
change
their opinion of this trouble or its causes." Unfortunately, two
master
theses written recently did not deem it necessary to investigate
the
matter.
Jean Marie Harger simply sites the short excerpt in Fagan's
History of
Benton County, plagiarized from the Gazette and the Democrat.
William
E.
Kent only notes that "a ridiculous rumor of an Indian uprising"
plagued
Palmer's administration, even though he quotes an Irish
immigrant who
lived
in the area sometime before 1889 as saying "We went to bed every
night
expecting to wake up the next morning and find ourselves dead."
Clearly
this is a "ridiculous rumor" worthy of more study.
The Great Fiasco
As stated earlier, sources become much less helpful for the period of the 1880s. Even after 1873, the themes surrounding the bay become routinized. News becomes a chronicle of the everyday: "X" visits "Y," schooners visit here and there, new businesses crop up. Above all—the railroad, the railroad the Railroad! The story of the railroad has been told in several places, but these sources mainly detail the development of the line itself, rather than the impact it had on Yaquina society. The main thing to remember is that the railroad went through Toledo and ended not in Newport but in now-defunct Yaquina City. Otherwise the primary interesting aspect of the railroad was the tremendous problems it had. Completed December 31, 1884, one commentator in 1889 wrote that
the history of no railway in the country presents a more remarkable record of discouraging circumstances or obstacles more perseveringly overcome, than that of this.
A later student simply called it "a great fiasco."
The Birth of Lincoln County 1893
So, it is time to turn our attention
to
Toledo
proper. Toledo's history is none-too-well documented for this
early
period,
but a few facts are known. John Graham made a claim on the
present site
of Toledo because his son Joe, the real settler, was only 20.
When mail
service for Yaquina Bay went public in 1868, the Graham's home
was
chosen
as a post office. This occasioned the first mention of Toledo in
the
Gazette.
Bill Mackey, who later was the militia commander during the
uprising,
became
postmaster (Toledo was also known as Graham's Landing and
Mackey's
Point).
The name is reported to have come from Joe Graham, who missed
his
native
Ohio. For a long time Toledo hardly stirred interest in anyone;
travelers
to Yaquina Bay reporting on their trip in the Gazette invariably
failed
to mention it. Finally, a correspondent wrote to the Gazette in
1873 to
report on "this beautiful place, called Toledo." "Hyper" wrote
that
"times
are tolerably lively here at present. Fish and berries are
abundant,
also
plenty of bear and small animals." The town had a school with 30
students,
as well as a "real nice Sunday school." Obviously not a lot was
going
on.
Toledo became a single voting precinct in 1876 and had a pretty
evenly
split vote for the elections reported. Even Bensell only tied
his
opponent
24 to 24 when he ran for state representative in 1876. In 1882,
Graham
laid out the first official town site along the Waterfront.
Even if a lot was not occurring on the
surface,
though, Toledo was growing steadily. For the historian, the town
bursts
onto the scene in 1893 with its own newspaper and as the seat of
a new
county. The division of Benton County apparently proceeded quite
rapidly,
as the Gazette does not mention any plans at all for a split any
time
in
1892. Fear of a Chilean invasion of the Toledo Coal Company mine
was
much
bigger news.
Chinese American historian Jack Chen
discusses
the "Chilean War" which took place during the California Gold
Rush:
The Indians were driven out early.
Herded
onto reservations or killed off by infections against which they
had
developed
no immunity, they were shot and actually hunted for their scalps
by
some
besotted scoundrels. Then came the turn of the blacks and the
foreigners.
Chileans, banned from using their peons as laborers, were forced
to
either
do the work themselves or leave their diggings. Then the
"Chilean War"
drove out the Chileans and Peruvians in 1849. The "French War”
erupted
on French Hill near Mokelumne where French miners, elated by an
especially
rich strike, injudiciously raised their French flag. American
miners
were
driven out. Mexicans had settled Sonora and named it after the
place in
Mexico from which they had come. When Americans tried to force
them
from
their rich claims, they retaliated with guns... Enforced at
gunpoint,
the
2,000 Mexicans departed, but the [$20-per-month tax on foreign
miners]
ruined Sonora...
Then came the turn of the Chinese
miners.
In 1850, they numbered about 500 of the 57, miners. By 1852,
they
numbered
several thousands in the mines. Their capacity for hard work and
frugality,
the way they kept to themselves and did not speak "proper"
English,
their
skill in taking over abandoned claims and by diligent toil
making them
pay did not endear them to the rowdier [white] elements in the
mines.
Yet on February 20 of the next year,
Lincoln
County was born.
A newspaper article written in 1959 for
the Leader stated that rural resentment led to the county
division.
Supposedly
B. F. Jones (1858-1925), grandson of John Graham (1805-1883),
had gone
to Corvallis in order to obtain wood for bridge repairs. The
court in
reply
told him "cherry poles are good enough for you clam diggers down
there."
This got Jones steaming mad, and he and some friends pushed a
division
bill through the legislature while Benton County was napping.
This
account
is doubtful. Charles B. Crosno (1845-1917) of Toledo, senator
for
Benton
County, introduced a bill to divide the county early in 1893.
According
to Bensell, "the bill was introduced under the influence of a
large
petition
signed by the largest taxpayers on this side of the summit." The
Gazette's
first comment on the division proposal stated that "public
consideration"
was "In a more perfunctory vein than hostile." This is, until
the
appearance
of a scheme to also divide the southern part of the county to
create a
Blaine County, in honor of US politician James Gillespie Blaine
(1830-1893).
Then the eastern area of Benton County began to protest. The
editor
commented:
The probabilities are that had the western county scheme stood alone upon its merits, there would not have been any considerable opposition to it in Eastern Benton. Circumstances well understood here would support this view of the case.
The next week the Gazette reported that an opposition movement, claiming the loyalty of 75 percent of the citizenry, had begun to circulate petitions against the division.
Toledo Selected County Seat
Toledo was selected as temporary county seat, with a future election to determine the permanent seat. It was under this sunny sky that Stewart moved from Woodburn and began the Lincoln County Leader on March 9, 1893. Toledo had grown in size, number of businesses, and gentility since the railroad came through, but the first issue of the Leader repeats some familiar themes as well as adding new ones. Most noticeably, Stewart reported the discovery of "the finest specimen of coal ever exhibited in Toledo." Crosno, meanwhile, was taking a sample of Toledo coal to the World's Fair. In other developments, over 500 people had gathered to celebrate the opening of the new county "under the auspices of the women," who fixed a huge meal. It was "undoubtedly" the biggest event on the bay ever. Toledo was poised for growth, and boosterism was in the air. "Investors have begun to get their eyes on Toledo and many strangers are looking the town and county over these days," Stewart wrote; “Toledo will experience no boom this year, but it will do some mighty growing.” a shingle mill was starting up, and "Not a vacant house in town. Who will build four or five cottages? There is money in it." Finally, Stewart began a theme which was probably of the most importance to the town in these early years, that of conservative public-spiritedness. "Lincoln County starts out with good prospects and in safe and conservative hands," but
The future prosperity of Toledo will depend to a great extent upon the liberality and public-spiritedness of its own citizens. The location of the county seat at Toledo has attracted favorable attention to this point, and many people will come to seek homes or investments here. The people must continue their present open and hospitable manner to all new comers. To those seeking purchases, property holders must not ask unreasonable prices. It is much better for a town to have 100 people owning $500 worth of property each than 50 people owning $1000 worth of property to every one. Every person who becomes a property holder in the town will become an advocate for its advancement and development.
The citizens of Toledo then took
action
to
improve their standing. The second issue of the Leader reported
that
"the
matter of incorporating Toledo is given considerable attention
by the
people,"
and a public meeting was held at the end of March to discuss the
matter.
A vote was taken, and those in favor squeaked by with a 24 to 22
edge
while
a name change for the town was rejected. Thereupon a committee
was
appointed
to get the ball rolling on the matter. In the meantime, the
citizens
put
up half of the money and labor necessary to build a new depot
for the
railroad
station. The Leader also continually vowed that Lincoln County
would
stand
up for its rights against Benton County, which owned it
considerable
delinquent
and other taxes. At the beginning of June, 43 electors signed a
petition
asking for incorporation; 40 signatures were required. The
Leader in
July
reported that there was much talk pro and con on the issue, "a
great
part
of which on both sides has been worthless." The editor does not,
however,
tell us what the arguments were. In any case, incorporation won
by a
margin
of 37 to 18, with five ballots thrown out as defective. Toledo
was
officially
a city.
Toledo now set its sights even higher.
First,
to conquer the ever elusive region next door:
The early opening of the Siletz Reservation would open up one of the finest bodies of agricultural and timber land on the coast. In "justice" to the people who are developing the magnificent country between the Coast Range and the Pacific Ocean, this reservation should be opened at an early date.
Despite recurrent reports that this would happen any day, though, the opening was continually cutoff. It was now clear that the earlier fear of the Indians had subsided—a genuine Indian war dance was promised as entertainment for the Fourth of July. The relationship between Indians and non-indianss, however, was probably still a complicated one. Although desiring the opening of the reservation, a promotional supplement of 1894 proclaimed that "Toledo enjoys the undivided trade of the Siletz Reservation." On a more personal level, B. F. Jones recalled as an adult that
The Indians, who were quite numerous at the time, used to congregate near the schoolhouse. The children became so interested in them that it was necessary to have the windows on the side of the building painted.
It is quite interesting to speculate on the
relationship
between the two groups in such a loose atmosphere. In any case,
in the
last analysis what really mattered was summed up in Fagan’s
comment
that
"if the Anglo-Saxon's heart is set on a tract of land, it rests
not
until
it be had, by might if not by right." In May 1895, Pres.
Cleveland
signed
the bill opening the reservation. This would have a decisive
effect on
the early history of Toledo.
For Toledo simultaneously was locked in
a battle with the town of West Yaquina for the county seat.
West Yaquina no longer exists; it is
possible
Toledo would have met the same fate if it had lost hold of the
seat.
The
first election came up in June 1894, and it was a relatively
calm
affair.
The Leader said nothing on the matter until two weeks
beforehand, when
it came out with a dispassionate, but large piece on the reasons
to
vote
for Toledo. Geographic proximity to the rest of the county, good
roads,
and the cost of moving the seat were listed prominently. Also
given
space
was the argument that the prospective opening of the reservation
would
move even more people into the Toledo area. In any case, the
editor was
confident that no city would get a majority with Newport and Elk
City
also
in the race. He was right; votes split geographically and West
Yaquina
garnered only 41 percent of the vote to Toledo's 32 percent.
Something About Rings
The final vote between the two cities two years later was much more lively. West Yaquina apparently got the first blow in April 1896, as the Leader responded with a big front-page article, "Something About Rings." Stewart writes:
One of the stock arguments kept on hand and constantly in use by those opposed to Toledo for county seat is that there is a "ring" at Toledo which they want to tear down.
Yet they do not say who runs this "ring" or who composes it, he complains:
If by the wholesale charge of “ring” it is meant that the people of Toledo work together and pull together for the common good, then we plead guilty and ask no mercy. There is such a “ring” in Toledo.
Only one Toledo resident had yet held county office, he states, and only two have been nominated for this election. Stewart then turns on West Yaquina:
This “ring” is not backed in their fight for the county seat by any foreign capitalist, town lot boomer, national banker, nor even a busted banker, but is making a clean, honorable fight for it.
This theme is developed much more fully the next week in “Has Lincoln County A County Seat For Sale?” Stewart acknowledges the common talk that outside interests are trying to influence the election with money, and he then writes:
Are the citizens and taxpayers of the
grand
young county of Lincoln ready to let the town let speculators,
the
national
bankers, and the coterie of speculating shylocks come into our
community
and debauch an election; to defeat the will of the people with
money;
to
upset and defeat the will of the people in order that their town
lots
that
they have bought for speculation may be enhanced in value and
thus
bring
dollars to their pockets? Can the bankers and speculators twist
and
wind
the people of the county to their own use and benefit by their
brazen
check
and dollars?
We do not believe they can.
Things quieted down in the month before the election. The harshest the Leader got was to proclaim “Keep it fairly before the people—Boodle boon town lots and high taxes means West Yaquina; home people and low taxes mean Toledo." On June 4th, the Leader calmly announced Toledo's "victory," also stating that the Indians had behaved very well in their first election.568 In the next week's Leader we are able to discover just how well the Indians had behaved. The election table showed Siletz precinct going 149 to 0 for Toledo (even the vote in Toledo precinct was only 163 to 11!). The final vote was 615 to 504. Clearly, Toledo won the county seat because of the timing of the reservation's closure. Even though Stewart made no comment on this fact, West Yaquina picked upon it and threatened to contest the election in order to get the Indian votes thrown out. The Leader responded with a threat of its own. Toledo, it said, had hired one of the best attorneys in the state and started investigating voters in other precincts. "The use of money can now be established," Stewart wrote, and
We do not hesitate to predict that if a contest is started that the county seat will remain at Toledo; but some persons who voted in Lincoln County on June 1, 1896, will come very near to the doors of the Oregon penitentiary.
West Yaquina quietly dropped the challenge.
Not surprisingly, all this activity in
the
city’s early years created a lively political culture in Toledo.
Not
that
issues were even well-defined, but the prominent residents of
the town
became used to frequent elections, participating in governmental
activity,
and keeping tabs on the work others were doing. The first city
election
in 1893 saw the beginning of a pattern as a meeting of citizens
nominated
a ticket for mayor and council. It included men who would serve
again
and
again through (and beyond) our time period. Elected by an
average vote
of 45 out of 60, the slate, according to Stewart, assured the
city of
"a
sound and conservative government till the next election at
least."
1894 was a state and Congressional
election
year, and the apparent consensus of 1893 dissolved into partisan
politics.
The Populists called the first convention for the county, and
Toledo
was
given the greatest number of delegates.
Interestingly, one of the most
prominent
Populists was Thomas P. Fish, a Portuguese immigrant who owned a
general
merchandise (cash only) store and who was listed as one of the
wealthiest
citizens in the Toledo precinct in 1893. Soon the other parties
also
called
conventions. At least in terms of rhetoric, however, the county
party
platforms
turned out to be very similar. This perhaps explains why
apparently no
party ideology entered into the (partisan) races for county
offices.
Party
loyalty and personality seem to be all that mattered.
Republicans can
now
be identified as holding the majority in the Toledo city council
elected
in 1893, but the offices were well mixed. Toledo went solidly
Republican
in the June 1894 voting, but that did not at all give an
indication of
future election results in the city. That partisan feeling did
not run
very deep in local matters is seen in the city election held six
months
after the state election. Again a citizen nominated ticket of
various
party
affiliations ran unopposed.
Toledo parties continued along the same
lines for a few years after this. One interesting development
was the
nomination
by both the Populists and Democrats of women for county school
superintendent
in 1896, but the state supreme court ruled the nominations
unconstitutional
before the election. The next year, however, saw significant
changes in
city politics. The first report of lack of consensus within the
citizens'
meeting to nominate town officials came out in November 1897.
Two
offices
were filled by acclamation, but all the others had at least two
nominees.
Those with three or more only required a plurality of the vote
on a
first
ballot in order for nomination. We cannot tell for certain if
this
meeting
was different from the ones before it, but what is known is that
an
opposition
"independent citizen's ticket" sprang up to challenge three of
the
meeting's
nominations. The new slate did not get very far, though, as its
choice
for mayor stated that his name was used without consent. The
slate went
down to defeat by a wide margin, but the contest had changed
Toledo
politics.
Over the next year, J. F. Stewart was
elected
county judge and sold the Leader, while mayor B. F. Jones became
embroiled
in various controversies concerning fiscal administration,
including a
lawsuit against him by the county. These two men were to be the
protagonists
in the biggest conflict in city politics during this period. The
Toledo
election of 1898. Stewart kept the opposition movement alive by
heading
a "reform and economy" ticket with newspaper publisher William
H.
Alexander
(1840-1904). They claimed that Jones' tenure had been too
ambitious in
terms of the debt bonding for certain city improvement projects.
Jones
responded with a conservative appeal to keep the old guard,
accusing
Stewart
of stirring up problems as a "new resident" (He had been in town
for
five
and a half years). The new editor of the Leader commented that
"to our
minds it is the old theory of the tempest in a teapot," with the
rivalry
fueled by personality conflict. Apparently, the reformers were
accusing
the regular ticket of being controlled by "one man;" even though
Jones
was not up for reelection as mayor. The editor stated that a
number of
the reformers had taken a stand against incorporation, perhaps
meaning
that a long-standing fissure had been dividing the community.
In any case, Jones wrote a stinging
rebuke
of Stewart the week before the election. Accusing Stewart of
pure
selfishness,
Jones abandoned caution in his criticism:
I respect a Christian more than any other person if I think he is honest. Mr. Stewart is an official in the Methodist church of this city and he also poses as a reformer and prohibitionist. He has written many articles on the subject of giving whiskey to the Indians, and denounced those who sell or give whiskey to Indians in very harsh terms. Notwithstanding all this, he last January accepted the sum of $25 from a well known cannery man in this county who had been guilty of letting the Indians have whiskey, and for this paltry sum closed the columns of the Leader and agreed to go to the Siletz to use his influence to keep certain Indians from prosecuting said cannery man.
Apparently the voters were not
uniformly
impressed with these charges, though, for two reform candidates
won
election
to the city council, including Stewart. The regular ticket
picked up
the
offices of city recorder and city marshal and one council seat.
No
mention
of the division, however, was made over the next year. In 1899,
though,
the "independent citizens" again ran against the "citizens."
Jones
declined
to run for reelection as mayor, but defended the improvements
his four
year tenure had brought. "There was not a street open in Toledo"
in
1895,
he wrote, and the and the opposition voted for everything for
which the
council had voted appropriation. Yet each side ran a full slate,
and
this
time the opposition swept into power, claiming the mayor's
office, one
of the three alderman's seats, and all the three city offices.
The editor, however, called the
election
"one of the most gentlemanly contests ever witnessed in Toledo,"
and
indeed
no platforms or even personality clashes were raised this time.
Again,
the issue disappeared completely during the following year, and
the
1900
city election was not even reported in the Leader. The whole
conflict
may
very well have just been a big spat that became ritualized into
normal
political rivalry, but the very rare public accusations leveled
at
Stewart
and the first rumblings of opposition in 1897 cast doubt on this
interpretation.
Still, the 1900 Census gives us no reason to believe that a real
social
division lay behind the conflict. All but two of the 21 men
running for
office in 1897 to 1899 can be identified in the census
manuscripts. No
significant differences in occupation of home ownership
differentiate
the
two sides; in fact, they almost all lived in very close
proximity to
each
other. Party differences do not seem to be the answer either;
both
Jones
and Stewart were Democrats. It just may not be possible to find
out
much
more about this rupture.
In any case, this episode of conflict
did
not prevent the leaders of Toledo from maintaining a moderately
conservative
social atmosphere in the city. Religion, though, does not seem
to have
been overly important in the life of the town. Although three
church
denominations
began to hold services in the 1880s, during the 1890s usually
only one
or two denominations met. When they did, it was only twice a
month at
most,
as they had to share ministers with the rest of the county. The
first
set
of "church notes" did not appear in the Leader until 1899, when
the
Methodist
pastor advertised his services with the promise, "come Christmas
Eve,
we
contemplate a whooping time." Evangelists came through
occasionally but
inspired little comment; in 1900 a Methodist revival's lack of
success
was credited to skating rinks and other attractions available to
Toledo
residents.
It was rather in the realm of public
spiritedness
and vigilance that Toledo excelled. Fraternal lodges
proliferated
continuously,
with most meeting weekly (compared to monthly or bimonthly
church
services).
The Good Templars were the first to organize the formation of
the
county,
with 42 members. Headed by Crosno, nine of the first set of 14
officers
were women.
Yet Toledo remained moderate in the
matter
of temperance. The will of John Graham, the original squatter,
forbade
the location of saloons in Toledo, but the land was broken up
and sold
with no regard for his wishes.
Prohibition candidates rarely got more
than
one or two votes in any election, and the saloonkeeper Henry
Wulf, who
kept a "quiet and orderly resort," had a house that was an
"ornament"
to
the town. The Good Templars' lodge rarely did anything that
received
much
publicity after its first literary contest in May 1893. This
included
topics
such as "The Savior's Call;" "A Freeman's Ballot;" "The Martyred
Mother;"
"Arise! Break the Chains," and "The Voice From the Poorhouse."
Yet social control was an important
concern
of the Toledo citizenry. The first big "scandal" in Toledo
occurred in
June 1893. Stewart tells the story:
Out attention has been called to the fact that there are two or three bulls running at large in and around the town. It is a constant source of danger from them to be allowed to thus run. Women and young girls with red dresses or red wrappers on are not infrequently over the town and they are liable to be attacked at any time by some of these beasts. Parties owning such beasts should keep them confined.
Apparently such public pressure worked, for the city council was able to move on to more important matters. The first ordinance passed relate to the licensing of liquor in the city, requiring a stiff $400 a year fee for a liquor license. Section three was particularly designed to "protect the virtue" of the young city:
Any keeper of a barroom, tippling house, or drinking shop who shall permit or employ any women to act as waitress or bartender or to sing or dance, or to serve in any capacity in such barroom, tippling house or drinking shop, shall be deemed guilty of a misdemeanor.
The ordinance was in force until 1900,
when
a $500 bond secured by witnesses replaced the $400 annual fee.
Toledo was indeed occasionally plagued
with
problems stemming from liquor. The third ordinance passed by the
city
council
was one "concerning offenses and disorderly conduct." Complaints
from
Stewart
about the ineffectiveness of the ordinance began February 1895
with the
report of two or three vile drunks roaming around town. Perhaps
a
long-standing
problem was just coming out into the open, for he wrote, "The
toughs
can’t
run Toledo and they will come to grief if they keep on trying."
The
problem
escalated the next year:
The disgraceful scenes that occurred on our streets last Saturday must not be repeated. It is a disgrace to a "civilized" community that such conduct should be tolerated, and the law-abiding people of Toledo will not further submit to such lawlessness. It is the marshal's duty to conserve the peace and to arrest the lawbreakers, be they Indian or white, and the time has now fully arrived when he must perform that duty, or resign... there is no excuse for allowing such outrageous conduct on our streets.
The scenes enacted on the streets of Toledo last Saturday were disgraceful in the extreme. Toledo must prevent a repetition of them, even if it must go to extreme measures. The good citizens of the town cannot afford to allow such conduct. Until recently Toledo has enjoyed a reputation for law and order that has been the envy of other places... We have just passed through a struggle for the prosperity of our town, and we cannot afford how to surrender all we have won and more too.
Yet Stewart did not offer a solution to the
problem,
and he did not even seem to feel it appropriate to publicize the
name
of
Toledo residents who were involved. He was more willing to point
out
Indian
drunkenness, stating that if the problem continued, "we had just
as
well
give up the idea of having law and order in our village." The
fragmentary
city records that exist, though, seem to credit the best part of
disorderly
conduct to the whites.
The final area of Toledo's early life
that
remains to be examined is the economy. Here resigned also a
moderate
public
spiritedness. The rhetoric of boosterism implied that business
people
were
in the boat together:
Those who have pinned their faith firmly to the bay county and continues to do so, will be amply rewarded. The rapid development of the county is assured and the benefits will be correspondingly great.
In this spirit, cooperative labor exchanges,
a
subscription creamery originally envisioned as a cooperative,
and a
Board
of Trade to promote Toledo business interests were formed.
Meanwhile,
new
stores were coming in and a telephone line being put in between
Toledo
and Newport; despite acknowledged hard times there were "no
flies on
Toledo."
The only incident of conflict in the city's economy reported by
the
Leader
drew the comment, "Toledo rarely ever has labor troubles, but it
was
the
scene of a strike last Friday." Apparently the Chinese cook at
the
Blake
House refused to cook, "or even wash dishes" and was promptly
fired.
Jack Chen reflects on the high regard
"substantial
citizens" had for Chinese cooks on the West Coast during the
goldrush:
Substantial citizens in the West had no unfriendly feelings toward the Chinese in the early days. They found them good employees. It was chic to have a Chinese cook or gardener, and in these capacities the Chinese were much appreciated by their employers.
Yet how to develop Toledo was a problem for the city. As Stewart put it, "Lincoln County has the climate and the resources. All it needs is labor and capital to develop the latter." The most ambitious development plan formulated by the business people of Toledo came in 1894. "Many Citizens" called a meeting to discuss improving the tidelands, with the search for a staple article and a market for it specifically in mind. Stewart assured the cautious that "some would-be boomer" did not call the meeting, but rather substantial people "who can influence a large amount of outside capital." Steam dredging the dykes and planting sugar beets was hit upon as the answer. The scheme never came off, but at least Stewart thought it was not a pipe dream:
That the plan proposed is entirely feasible and practicable is amply demonstrated by the careful observation and study that practical people have given the matter. Those who are urging the enterprise are strictly practical, and are of considerable capital themselves, and are capable of interesting enough more [people] to make any work which they might start a thorough success.
The proposal may have been rooted more in worry than optimism, however, for the next month Stewart preached a sermon on the dangers of waiting for another railroad boom. Toledo must develop its agriculture in order to have a chance at economic success:
Let us turn our face resolutely from the deceitful past with its whirligig of wealth-making and turn it with the true hearts and strong hands to development of the great resources with which we are supplied...
Besides activities that fit neatly into categories like the political or the economic, Toledo had its share of the ordinary pleasures of life. A baseball team formed in 1893 beat Newport 25 to nine one fine day in August. The boys in town were starting a minstrel troupe; Women's Aid Societies occasionally organized the community for a cemetery clean up. Toledo boasted of its musical talent; it was sometimes recalcitrant in support of public schools. And the teenagers were a problem. They made noise at public events, hopped on trains going through town, and six of them apparently "did commit an "indecent act" and "disorderly" by spitting upon a certain building occupied by Christian Hansen (1846-1915), whereby the peace and quiet of the city was disturbed." Most importantly, "the war spirit of this community took definite shape" with the sinking of the USS Maine; Norwegian immigrant Otto O. Krogstad began to drill nine to 13 year olds, and 30 men signed up for a military company with hopes of being mustered into the Oregon National Guard.
Census Analysis
Unfortunately, the manuscript census
returns
do not tell us much about Toledo's history in the 19th Century
beyond
age
ratios, occupational distributions, and the like. One major
problem is
that the 1870 and 1880 returns are only demarcated by Toledo
precinct,
not the specific area around the town. Persistence is nearly
non-existent,
so any occupational mobility is impossible. The crucial missing
link is
the 1890 Census manuscripts, destroyed by fire. The 1910 Census
returns
have been released, and a history of Toledo which considers the
early
years
of the 20th Century could valuably use them, as the 1900 Census
specifically
divides the City of Toledo from the surrounding area.
Still, we can find a few interesting
details
about Toledo's population through the census returns. Total
population
was 200 in 1870, 232 in 1880, and 302 in 1900. The tables are
pretty
much
self-explanatory, although a few comments are in order. First,
things
did
not change that much over our period, even with the switch of
analysis
from the precinct to the town. The sex ratio was perhaps the
most
dramatic
indicator of change, going from 73.7 percent male in 1879 to
52.1
percent
in 1900. The age ratio did not change much, although the
population
aged
50 and over had increased significantly by 1900. Approximately,
for
Toledo,
the plurality of people not born in Oregon came from Ohio in
1870 and
1880.
The Great Plains, however, took over by 1900. Immigration from
the
South
was nearly non-existent.
Not surprisingly, business and
professional
occupations became much more important in 1900. The non-farming
occupations
in 1870 and 1880 would not even be as great a percentage of
occupations
if the Siletz Reservation had not been included. The most
important
comment
necessary to interpret the occupational figures concerns the
high
percentage
of laborers in all three censuses. A large proletariat was by no
means
floating through Lincoln County in 1870, for example, of the 20
laborers,
13 of them were sons of farmers and the other seven lived in
residence
with another heads of household. In 1800, only three of the
laborers
were
heads of household. By 1900, this number had grown to eight, but
five
of
those owned their own home. At the same time, 60 percent of all
heads
of
household owned their own home, only 20 percent of them with a
mortgage
attached. The relative balance of occupations in 1900 is also
worthy of
notice.
Only three women held "titled
occupations"
in 1870, two educators and one matron. By 1900, though, 14 of
the 91
women
over 16 had titled occupations listed. Included were three
housekeepers,
three dressmakers, three educators, two milliners, one crayon
artist,
one
servant, and one boardinghouse keeper. In 1900, there were nine
female
heads of household, compared to three in 1880 and none in 1870.
Only seven, or 7.6 percent of all male
heads
of household in Toledo precinct in 1870 remained there ten years
later.
This included the physician at the reservation and four very
close
neighbors
who lived near the reservation. This could indicate the Siletz
may have
been the only core of stability in the area for a long time
after the
settlement
of Yaquina.
Toledo was extremely homogeneous
ethnically
throughout the period, although the 1870 Census shows three
non-indians
married Indian women with six children, and the 1880 Census
shows two
such
marriages with three children. In 1900, no Indians lived in the
city,
but
two Chinese men worked at the hotel and four Japanese laborers
were
working
on the railroad.
Semi-Conclusion
In the end, this study of the early history of Toledo does not suggest any conclusions. The year 1900 marks no special stage of transition for Toledo; that will only occur with WWI. Yet what has been presented here is a basic outline of the development of Toledo from a small outpost in a wild frontier area into a self-confident city facing basically new and different problems. As we have seen, change in Toledo was accomplished through struggle in a setting that contained many possibilities. Our position today, of course, remains the same as this.
The Birth of Toledo
Joseph D. Graham and William Mackey
left
Corvallis for this part of the country. They came for the
purpose of
taking
homesteads. This region had just been thrown open to settlers at
that
time.
Their outfit consisted of a team of
horses
and a wagon with a towboat for a bed in which their supplies
were
packed.
At Nortons,
which was at the end of the wagon road, they left their team,
and
launched
the boat after cutting the brush away from the banks of the
river, and
after many weary hours of travel, they arrived at the end of the
toilsome
journey.
Mackey filed on a claim on the south
side
of the Yaquina River, while Graham took the one where Toledo is
now
located,
but being only 20 years of age, he was unable to hold it, and so
his
father,
John Graham, with one of his daughters, came over and took
charge of
the
claim. A year later he took the claim west of his father's. The
government
spruce mill now stands on a portion of Joe Graham's claim.
When they came here, there was nothing
but
mountains covered with old burnt snags, and the tidelands were
covered
with tules and had many dangerous tide holes into which one
might fall
without the least warning.
They endured a great many hardships the
first winter, living in a small shack with only a fireplace to
heat it.
The daughters did the cooking on the open fireplace for a number
of
men.
They were also cut off from the outer world, there being no
roads in
there.
The Indians were very restless for at this time they were being
collected
and put on the Siletz Reservation.
In the spring, Joe Graham built his
house
just back of where the National Security Bank is now located.
His
father
built a house of 16 rooms, using it for a hotel. It was where
the
Lincoln
Hotel now stands. After it was completed, he moved his family
over here
from Corvallis.
It is said that when the post office
was
established in 1868, J. D. Graham, a son, was told that he could
name
the
place. He said, "I am homesick for Ohio. We will call the place
Toledo."
Toledo post office was established on July 4, 1868, with Bill
Mackey
first
postmaster.
The Oregon Pacific, which is now the
Southern
Pacific, was built from both ends, and was connected somewhere
at
Blodgett's
Valley in the 19th Century. At this time, the train made
connections
with
boats at Yaquina City, and the passengers and freight could be
taken
north
or south on the boat twice a week.
John Graham would not sell land to
anyone
on which to locate a saloon, so some men who were following
along with
the railroad construction crew anchored a scow in the river, and
built
a saloon on it. Later, he made a will which contained a
provision
forbidding
the building of saloons in Toledo, but after some years
different parts
of the land were sold, and the new owners failed to carry out
his wish.
In 1893, Lincoln County was formed from
a part of Benton County. This region was separated from the
other part
by mountains and the people were being taxed but received no
benefit
from
it. They formed this county—selecting Toledo for the county
seat—because
it was the most centrally located town. The first court was held
in a
hall
which later became known as Gust Olson's (1846-1921) barn. When
the
county
became a little richer, they built the present courthouse.
After John Graham had built his house,
he
went out to the valley and brought in 80 head of cattle, and in
this
way
established the dairy industry. Fishing was already carried on
to some
extent. The first mill was built at Caledonia, now the southern
part of
Toledo. Some time later the old Fischer-Story Mill was built. At
first,
it was very small, but as the years passed by, it changed hands
quite
often
and each owner added something to it. The next one built was the
Altree
Mill, and a few years after that, Guy Roberts' Mill was built.
Last of
all, but not least, came the big government spruce mill, which
had
added
a great deal to the city’s tax budget.
The first schoolhouse was built on the
opposite
side of the track from the creamery, and as the town grew
larger, a new
one was built over the canyon where the new gymnasium is now
located.
Only
two educators were employed then. A few years later a larger
school
building
was built. As the town grew, more rooms were needed, so they
completed
the old school as it is now. In 1911, the high school was built.
At the
present time, there are 38 students attending high school, with
three
teachers;
and 159 in the elementary grades with five teachers employed.
Toledo has a population of about 800.
It's
main street is paved. We have also electric lights and a good
water
system.
There are four concrete business houses.
A Busy Farmhouse 1850
In her book, Rural Hours, Susan Fenimore Cooper (1813-1894), the eldest daughter of James Fenimore Cooper (1789-1851), takes a look at the daily life of a busy farm woman:
From the window of the room in which
we
were
sitting, we looked over the whole of farmer Brown's farm; the
wheat
field,
corn field, potato patch, and buckwheat field. The farmer
himself, with
his wagon and horses, a boy and a man, were busy in a hay field,
just
below
the house; several cows were feeding in the meadow, and about 50
sheep
were nibbling on the hillside. A piece of woodland was pointed
out on
the
height above, which supplied the house with fuel. We saw no
evergreens
there; the trees were chiefly maple, birch, oak, and chestnut;
with us,
about the lake, every wood contains hemlock and pine.
Finding we were interested in rural
matters,
our good friend offered to show us whatever we wished to see,
answering
all our many questions with the sweet, old smile peculiar to
herself.
She
took us to the little garden; it contained potatoes, cabbages,
onions,
cucumbers, and beans; a row of current bushes was the only
fruit; a
patch
of catnip, and another of mint, grew in one corner. Our farmers,
as a
general
rule, are proverbially indifferent about their gardens. There
was no
fruit
on the place besides the apple trees of the orchard; one is
surprised
that
cherries, and pears, and plums, all suited to our hilly climate
in this
country, should not receive more attention; they yield a
desirable
return
for the cost and labor required to plant and look after them.
Passing the barn, we looked in there
also;
a load of sweet hay had just been thrown into the loft, and
another was
coming up the road at the moment. Farmer Brown worked his farm
with a
pair
of horses only, keeping no oxen. Half a dozen hens and some
geese were
the only poultry in the yard; the eggs and feathers were
carried, in
the
autumn, to the store at [?] Green, or sometimes as far as our
own
village.
A Woman's Work is Never Done
They kept four cows; formerly they had
a
much larger dairy; but our hostess had counted her three score
and ten,
and being the only woman in the house, the dairy work of four
cows, she
said, was as much as she could well attend. One would think so;
for she
also did all the cooking, baking, washing, ironing, and cleaning
for
the
family, consisting of three persons; besides a share of the
sewing,
knitting,
and spinning. We went into her little buttery; here the bright
tin pans
were standing full of rich milk; everything was thoroughly
scoured,
beautifully
fresh, and neat. A stone jar of fine yellow butter, whose flavor
we
knew
of old, stood on one side, and several cheese were in press. The
woodwork
was all painted red.
While our kind hostess, on hospitable
thought
intent, was preparing something nice for tea, we were invited to
look
about
the little sitting room and see "farm ways" in that shape. It
was both
parlor and guest chamber at the same time. In one corner stood a
maple
bedstead, with a large, plump feather bed on it, and two tiny
pillows
in
well bleached cases at the head. The walls of the room were
whitewashed,
the woodwork was unpainted, but so thoroughly scoured, that it
had
acquired
a sort of polish and oak color. Before the windows hung colored
paper
blinds.
Between the windows was a table, and over it hung a small
lookingglass
and a green and yellow drawing in watercolors, the gift from a
friend.
On one side stood a cherry bureau; upon this lay the Holy Bible,
and
that
its sacred pages had been well studied, our friend's daily life
could
testify.
Near the Bible lay a volume of religious character from the
Methodist
press,
and the Life of General Marion. The mantel piece was ornamented
with
peacocks'
feathers, and brass candlesticks, bright as gold; in the
fireplace were
fresh sprigs of asparagus. An open cupboard stood on one side,
containing
the cups and saucers, in neat array, a pretty salt cellar, with
several
pieces of cracked and broken crockery, of a superior quality,
preserved
for ornament more than use.
Such was the "square room" as It was
called.
It opened into the kitchen, and as our dear hostess was coming
and
going,
dividing her time between her biscuits and her guests, very
impartially,
at last we asked permission to follow her, and sit by her while
she was
at work, admiring the kitchen quite as much as we did the rest
of her
neat
dwelling. The largest room in the house, and the one most used,
it was
just as neat as every other corner under the roof. The chimney
was very
large, according to the approved old custom, and it was
garnished all
about
with flatirons, brooms, brushes, holders, and cooking utensils,
each in
its proper place. In winter, they used a stove for cooking, and
in the
very coldest weather, they kept two fires burning, one in the
chimney,
another in the stove. The walls were whitewashed. There was a
great
deal
of woodwork about the room—wainscoting, dressers, and even the
ceiling
being of wood—if it be unplastered, as this was, is often a
pretty
rustic
sight, a sort of storeplace, all kinds of things hanging there
on hooks
or nails driven into the beams; bundles of dried herbs, strings
of red
peppers and of dried apples hanging in festoons, tools of
various
kinds,
bags of different sorts and sizes, golden ears of seed corn
ripening,
vials
of physic and nostrums for man and beast, bits of cord and
twine,
skeins
of yarn and brown thread just spun, and lastly, a file of
newspapers.
The
low red ceiling of farmer Brown's kitchen was not quite so well
garnished
in July as we have seen it at other times, still, it was by no
means
bare,
the festoons of apples, red peppers, and Indian corn being the
only
objects
wanting. By the window hung an ink bottle and a well-fingered
almanac,
witty and wise, as usual. A year or two since, an edition of the
almanac
was printed without the usual prognostics regarding the winds
and
sunshine,
but it proved a complete failure; an almanac that told nothing
about
the
year's weather nobody cared to buy, and it was found expedient
to
restore
these important predictions concerning the future snow, hail,
and
sunshine
of the county. Public opinion demanded it.
A great spinning wheel, with a basket
of
carded wool, stood in a corner, where it had been set aside when
we
arrived.
There was a good deal of spinning done in the family; all the
yarn for
stockings, for flannels, for the cloth worn by the men, for the
colored
woolen dresses of the women, and all the thread for their coarse
toweling,
etc., was spun in the house by our hostess, or her
granddaughter, or
some
neighbors hired for the purpose.
Farming in Lincoln County
From the early 1880s into the 1930s,
tens
of thousands of people ventured to the Central Oregon Coast via
train.
But few accounts documenting travelers' impressions of the
region
exist.
In January 1892, a very telling account of a trip to Yaquina Bay
was
written
by a Corvallis Gazette reporter. A conversation with the man
sitting
next
to him on a Yaquina bound train inspired him to write a
newspaper
column.
About the time the train reached
Yaquina,
the topic of discussion between the reporter and traveler turned
to the
economy of the area, particularly east county. The traveler
"looked at
the muddy waters of the bay" and the hills surrounding the bay
and
asked
the reporter, "How do you people make a living?" The reporter
found the
question "surprisingly difficult to answer." After thinking on
it a
while,
the reporter gave up and asked for another topic of
conversation.
After the two departed company, the
reporter
devoted more thought to the question and then wrote a column
detailing
the answer he should have given to the traveler.
Many people came to what is now East
Lincoln
County to take advantage of free government homestead land, even
though
it was too hilly for large-scale, profitable farming. In spite
of the
topographical
challenge, people sought out free east county land that the
reporter
diplomatically
called "not so level as to be monotonous." The only level and to
be
found
in the region was "at the bottom of the bay."
What was the attraction? Early on it
was
to get rich quick. Word spread the land would yield a very
profitable
sugar
beet crop. Coal deposits drew many to the area hoping to make a
quick
fortune.
Neither of these pursuits made anyone wealthy in this region.
By 1892, most folks were a little wiser
about the agricultural limitations of the area. The reporter
wrote that
people continued to be drawn here because "it's a big thing for
a poor
man with a few hundreds to homestead a claim, raise his own
garden,
beef
and pork, set out his fruit trees and raise most of the feed for
his
family."
They were not expected to become rich but to make an honest
living
which
is "all the Lord and the law requires."
As for employment opportunities in 1892
for new arrivals into the area: "The work is not to be had,
there is
scarcely
sufficient for those already settled here." He added, "It's not
right
to
coax people to buy a lot and spend their last dollar building a
house
on
it, with the promise of plenty of employment."
Fortunately, Lincoln County has more
employment
opportunities today, though finding a living wage job is more
difficult
than elsewhere. The average wage in Lincoln County is lower than
the
state
average and even lower than the national average.
Toledo Development League Invites You 1911
Do you want a farm? Do you want a
tract
of
land where one acre will keep a man busy and when 10 to 20 acres
will
enable
the owner to raise hay, grain and vegetables for feeding stock,
for
home
use and for sale, to keep a herd of dairy cattle, hogs,
chickens, to
have
a fruit orchard, a berry patch and where you cannot only make a
good
living,
but can save money?
These two questions are addressed to
the
man who reads this booklet and is looking for a home in the
Pacific
Northwest.
Lincoln County has the land which will do all that is outlined
above.
This
being true, and investigation as to the reliability of any
statement
made
in this publication is earnestly requested, the Toledo
Development
League
is sending out an invitation to the home seeker to come to
Lincoln
County.
This is one of the counties in Western Oregon which is sparsely
settled.
It has never been advertised to an extent which has brought it
to the
attention
of the man looking for a location where he can engage in farm
pursuits.
There are tide and bottom lands and hill lands, adapted to
farming,
fruit
growing, dairying, poultry farming and bee keeping. There are
billions
of feet of timber, large coal deposits and fishing industries.
Opportunity
is open to the man who must begin in a modest way and there are
openings
for men of means. Asking settlers to come to Lincoln County is
inviting
them to come to a section where success has been achieved.
Lincoln County, has an area of 647, 380
acres. It has a population of between 5,000 and 6,000. Its
cities and
towns
have more than one half the population in the county, and
comparatively
few men are at work on the farms. This land is not at all
adapted to
cultivation,
but there are vast areas which will yield in abundance, and it
is to
interest
farmers, stockmen and dairymen in these lands that this is
written. The
timber resources are great, the deposits of coal and building
material
valuable, the fisheries sources of wealth. But the fertile,
undying
soil
is Lincoln County's greatest asset. This will endure when
forests are
denuded,
when quarry and mine are exhausted, and when even the waters
have been
despoiled.
All of Lincoln County is rich in
developed
and undeveloped resources. The part of the county directly
tributary to
Toledo is the section under consideration in this publication.
The
industries
of the forest, the field, the mine, the product, the net results
to the
farmer or to the man engaged in other vocations are to be told
of. The
object is to induce settlement—to build up the country.
Along Yaquina Bay, the Olalla, Yaquina
and
Siletz rivers, and along smaller streams are tide and bottom
lands of
marvelous
fertility. Dyking is necessary on the tide lands, but they more
than
repay
any outlay. Most of the land bordering Yaquina Bay is either
protected
from overflow, or the work of dyking is in progress. The land is
easily
drained and at once becomes valuable for cultivation or pasture.
It is
adapted to the latter purpose before dyking. The ridges of earth
are
thrown
up and after disintegration are seeded, so that in the event of
unusually
high tides the action of the water is harmless. The bottom lands
are
also
rich. The clearing of these is not expensive. The bench and hill
lands
are more difficult to clear, but the cost is not large. The
logged-off
lands are adapted to the growth of hay, cereals and fruits. The
char-pitting
method and stump pullers, and sometimes explosives are resorted
to in
order
to get rid of the obstructions to cultivation. The purposes to
which
the
land may be devoted are outlined in brief herewith:
The farm holdings in Lincoln County in
the
vicinity of Toledo do not average large. There are different
reasons
for
this. One is that a large farm is not required to make money for
the
owner,
and the question of labor is a prime consideration. The man who
does
not
have to hire hands is the one who is doing the best. Wages are
high.
The
principal farm crops do not differ from those of other sections.
The
grains
are not threshed. The oats, wheat and rye are cut in the milk
and cured
for feed. When the farmer needs grain for his cattle, horses,
hogs or
chickens,
he buys it. His hay crop is for his own stock and for sale to
the men
who
want to fatten stock for market. When he sells he get from $10
to $15
per
ton on his farm, and the price rules higher when he bales his
crop for
shipment. He uses a separator and sells his cream in the nearest
town
or
ships it by rail. His eggs and poultry find ready sale. Hogs are
not
raised
in large numbers. They are not, in the language of a farmer
here: "A
carload
proposition." The farmer raises enough for his own needs, and he
sells
any surplus to the local butchers. Hogs are easily fattened on
the hay
and root crops which are grown. They give the farmer good meat
at a
price
which is less than the ordinary householder pays and when he
sells he
gets
the ruling market price which has been high during late years.
In the
pages
that follow will be found verified statements of actual
experiences.
The bench and hill lands are adapted to
certain varieties of fruits. Apples have brought good returns.
Winesaps
and Jonathans bear well. The Spitzenburg has not proven
successful thus
far. It is thought that with proper pollenization this variety
will
pay.
The King of Tompkins Company is at its best in this section. As
an
experiment
a carload was shipped to Los Angeles, and the fruit sold for
$2.75 to
$3.50
a box. Commercial orchards in the vicinity of Toledo are not
plentiful.
Nearly every farmer has a family orchard, which includes so many
varieties
that the product of several orc